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"In the closing decades of the eighteenth century, Ireland became the object of a vigorous debate concerning the promise and perils of commerce in an era of global war and revolution. This debate concerned not just the identity and future of the Irish polity itself, but of the British Empire of which it was a central part; and the relationship of that empire to its European allies and rivals. As such, it had many participants: not only Irish and British, but French, German, Swiss and Italian."

ABSTRACT: In the next British general election, due to happen within the year, the Labour Party is set to sweep into power after fourteen years in opposition. Its two major rivals, the Conservative Party and the Scottish National Party (SNP), have imploded in scandal and division. The financial meltdown unleashed by the forty-nine-day tenure of former Prime Minister Liz Truss propelled Labour to a commanding position in national opinion polls, one that her successor, Rishi Sunak, has been unable to dent at the time of writing. A police investigation into misappropriation of donations and the resignation of First Minister of Scotland Nicola Sturgeon have undermined the SNP at a moment when the pandemic, war, and Conservative vulnerability have made the case for independence seem far less pressing than it did a decade ago. Local council and by-election results from the rural shires of Yorkshire to the satellite towns of Glasgow suggest that Labour is advancing on all fronts.

Depending on who you ask, Britain's Labour Party is either soaring, or in free-fall. There is evidence for both propositions, but the reality is messier. Jeremy Corbyn's leadership should not be viewed as merely one example of a broader flourishing of populist anti-austerity politics across Europe. Corbyn's victory owed much to the specific and local circumstances of British Labour in summer 2015, as the party reeled from an epochal electoral defeat. Whether Corbyn's leadership can prosper outside this very specific moment remains an open question.

This is the author accepted manuscript. The final version is available from Cambridge University Press via http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1479244315000475 ; The British–Irish Union of 1801 remains a significant and controversial moment in the histories of both countries, but understandings of its genesis are restricted inscope. This article seeks to place the Union in a new historical context: the crisis of the European states system that accompanied the French Revolution. It considers the position held by the Union in the critique of Kant's famous essay on "Perpetual Peace" (1795) advanced by one of his most influential students, the publicist and state official Friedrich Gentz (1764–1832). Gentz argued that the consolidation of the British state offered a model for the regeneration of European society. Only unitary forms of sovereign authority could exercise the responsible political agency required for the restoration of peace in the wake of the Revolution. The decline of small states and composite polities supported the durable civil liberty and commercial development necessary to mankind's moral development in history. ; This research was made possible by grants from the Arts and Humanities Research Council, the Kurt Hahn Trust, Emmanuel College and the Cambridge History Faculty Doctoral Language Fund.

The British–Irish Union of 1801 remains a significant and controversial moment in the histories of both countries, but understandings of its genesis are restricted inscope. This article seeks to place the Union in a new historical context: the crisis of the European states system that accompanied the French Revolution. It considers the position held by the Union in the critique of Kant's famous essay on "Perpetual Peace" (1795) advanced by one of his most influential students, the publicist and state official Friedrich Gentz (1764–1832). Gentz argued that the consolidation of the British state offered a model for the regeneration of European society. Only unitary forms of sovereign authority could exercise the responsible political agency required for the restoration of peace in the wake of the Revolution. The decline of small states and composite polities supported the durable civil liberty and commercial development necessary to mankind's moral development in history.

The SNP's near‐monopoly of Scottish representation in Westminster may give it more status than actual influence, says James Stafford. Yet its position as Scotland's 'natural party of government', and its gradualist pursuit of independence, can only be challenged by a Labour party that embraces bold constitutional reform.