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1920 m. birželio 19 d. – 1922 m. vasario 2 d. dirbo pirmoji parlamentinė ir VI atkurtosios nepriklausomos Lietuvos Respublikos koalicinė krikščionių demokratų ir valstiečių liaudininkų Vyriausybė, vadovaujama liaudininko Kazio Griniaus. Ši Vyriausybė permanentiškai buvo prie iširimo ribos. Tą lėmė koalicijos partijų kiekybinis santykis Seime, jų pasaulėžiūros skirtumai, liaudininkų vidaus nesutarimai ir jų neapsisprendimas dėl politinio statuso Seime. Vidiniai valstiečių liaudininkų prieštaravimai buvo ypač ryškūs nuo 1920 m. birželio iki 1921 m. spalio mėnesio. Tuo metu liaudininkų santykiai su jų deleguotu Ministru Pirmininku K. Griniumi dažniausiai buvo nekonstruktyvūs, vedantys į aklavietę ir liaudininkus, ir koaliciją. K. Griniaus politinė patirtis, atsakomybė, jo nuosaiki, racionali ir konsoliduojanti pozicija neleido liaudininkams ne tik susiskaldyti, bet ir išlaikė juos koalicijoje, taip pat išsaugojo stabilią Lietuvos VI Vyriausybę valstybei sudėtingiausiu laikotarpiu.

The aim of the article is to discuss the possibilities of reducing the opposition between the Peasant Populists and the Church that have existed in parliamentary Lithuania during 1918–1926. To reach this aim the following objectives have been set: first, to reveal some aspects of political activities of the official Catholic Church and clergy which might have weakened the disagreement between the Catholic Church and the Peasant Populists; second, to present some problems of internal life of the clergy and clashes between the Catholic Church and laymen; finally, to reveal that there were possibilities to reduce the opposition not only in the activities of the official Catholic Church, but also the Peasant Populists. The research is based on the following sources: most information is gathered from the newspaper for the clergy "Ganytojas", Catholic newspaper "Žvaigždė" and the newspaper of the Peasant Populists "Lietuvos žinios". The documents of the Lithuanian State Historical Archives (stock 1671) are very important source for this article as well. The analysis has revealed that, on the one hand, the attitude of the Catholic Church towards political parties of parliamentary Lithuania (except Christian Democrats) was visibly negative. On the other hand, in public life official Catholic Church and its press tried to avoid open criticism of the political parties. Leader of various Catholic organisations, editor of "Ganytojas", Mykolas Vaitkus, though being an active participant in political processes, was able to critically evaluate problems inside the clergy. He acknowledged that "Lietuvos žinios" was an influential paper, despite the fact that it often criticized the institutional Church and priests. Some articles from this newspaper were favourably evaluated by M. Vaitkus in his reviews in "Ganytojas". [.]

The aim of the article is to discuss the possibilities of reducing the opposition between the Peasant Populists and the Church that have existed in parliamentary Lithuania during 1918–1926. To reach this aim the following objectives have been set: first, to reveal some aspects of political activities of the official Catholic Church and clergy which might have weakened the disagreement between the Catholic Church and the Peasant Populists; second, to present some problems of internal life of the clergy and clashes between the Catholic Church and laymen; finally, to reveal that there were possibilities to reduce the opposition not only in the activities of the official Catholic Church, but also the Peasant Populists. The research is based on the following sources: most information is gathered from the newspaper for the clergy "Ganytojas", Catholic newspaper "Žvaigždė" and the newspaper of the Peasant Populists "Lietuvos žinios". The documents of the Lithuanian State Historical Archives (stock 1671) are very important source for this article as well. The analysis has revealed that, on the one hand, the attitude of the Catholic Church towards political parties of parliamentary Lithuania (except Christian Democrats) was visibly negative. On the other hand, in public life official Catholic Church and its press tried to avoid open criticism of the political parties. Leader of various Catholic organisations, editor of "Ganytojas", Mykolas Vaitkus, though being an active participant in political processes, was able to critically evaluate problems inside the clergy. He acknowledged that "Lietuvos žinios" was an influential paper, despite the fact that it often criticized the institutional Church and priests. Some articles from this newspaper were favourably evaluated by M. Vaitkus in his reviews in "Ganytojas". [.]

The aim of the article is to discuss the possibilities of reducing the opposition between the Peasant Populists and the Church that have existed in parliamentary Lithuania during 1918–1926. To reach this aim the following objectives have been set: first, to reveal some aspects of political activities of the official Catholic Church and clergy which might have weakened the disagreement between the Catholic Church and the Peasant Populists; second, to present some problems of internal life of the clergy and clashes between the Catholic Church and laymen; finally, to reveal that there were possibilities to reduce the opposition not only in the activities of the official Catholic Church, but also the Peasant Populists. The research is based on the following sources: most information is gathered from the newspaper for the clergy "Ganytojas", Catholic newspaper "Žvaigždė" and the newspaper of the Peasant Populists "Lietuvos žinios". The documents of the Lithuanian State Historical Archives (stock 1671) are very important source for this article as well. The analysis has revealed that, on the one hand, the attitude of the Catholic Church towards political parties of parliamentary Lithuania (except Christian Democrats) was visibly negative. On the other hand, in public life official Catholic Church and its press tried to avoid open criticism of the political parties. Leader of various Catholic organisations, editor of "Ganytojas", Mykolas Vaitkus, though being an active participant in political processes, was able to critically evaluate problems inside the clergy. He acknowledged that "Lietuvos žinios" was an influential paper, despite the fact that it often criticized the institutional Church and priests. Some articles from this newspaper were favourably evaluated by M. Vaitkus in his reviews in "Ganytojas". [.]

Institutions-organizations and institutions-rules (norms), levels of institutionalization and its influence on political development of political system, constitutions and constitutional interpretation, structural-functional characteristic of the main political institutions (parties, party and electoral systems, legislatures and executive power, public administration, interest groups, local governance, judicial and political communication institutions), variuos types, models of these institutions and activity, interaction between political institutions and their influence on real politics, institutional engineering, institutionalization of the political institutions, democratization and democratic consolidation processes – all these questions were discussed in this methodical book.

This article provides the analysis of Roman Catholic Church and state relations reflected in publications of "Free-thinker" and "Free Thought", during the period of 1933 to 1936. Those newspapers were publicized by the Lithuanian Free-thinker Ethical Culture Society (LFECS) (Lietuvos laisvamanių etinės kultūros draugijos, LLEKD). The analysis revealed that the main objective of publishers (Šliūpas, Tomas Karušis, Jonas Ilgūnas, etc.) was to introduce to the public the LFECS, to pull up the circle of its followers and change people's world-view. The main obstacle for these ambitions to be implemented was the Catholic Church. This article carries out the three level analysis of relations between the Church and state. The legitimation of the Civil registry, the abolition of religion teaching at schools and the place of the Church as an institution and religion in the general context of Lithuania's future. The content of analyzed texts revealed that free-thinkers were seeking for the legalization of Civil registry in the reasonable and consistent manner. Besides, they were engaged in educational activities, developed a program and publicized it in the press, carried out meetings with residents, governmental institutions, provided a petition to the Seimas and the President. Šliūpas and its followers were influenced by the ideas of rationalism and positivism strictly refused the Church's activities at the school. They recommended to teach introduction to morality and comparative. [to full text]

This article provides the analysis of Roman Catholic Church and state relations reflected in publications of "Free-thinker" and "Free Thought", during the period of 1933 to 1936. Those newspapers were publicized by the Lithuanian Free-thinker Ethical Culture Society (LFECS) (Lietuvos laisvamanių etinės kultūros draugijos, LLEKD). The analysis revealed that the main objective of publishers (Šliūpas, Tomas Karušis, Jonas Ilgūnas, etc.) was to introduce to the public the LFECS, to pull up the circle of its followers and change people's world-view. The main obstacle for these ambitions to be implemented was the Catholic Church. This article carries out the three level analysis of relations between the Church and state. The legitimation of the Civil registry, the abolition of religion teaching at schools and the place of the Church as an institution and religion in the general context of Lithuania's future. The content of analyzed texts revealed that free-thinkers were seeking for the legalization of Civil registry in the reasonable and consistent manner. Besides, they were engaged in educational activities, developed a program and publicized it in the press, carried out meetings with residents, governmental institutions, provided a petition to the Seimas and the President. Šliūpas and its followers were influenced by the ideas of rationalism and positivism strictly refused the Church's activities at the school. They recommended to teach introduction to morality and comparative. [to full text]

Institutions-organizations and institutions-rules (norms), levels of institutionalization and its influence on political development of political system, constitutions and constitutional interpretation, structural-functional characteristic of the main political institutions (parties, party and electoral systems, legislatures and executive power, public administration, interest groups, local governance, judicial and political communication institutions), variuos types, models of these institutions and activity, interaction between political institutions and their influence on real politics, institutional engineering, institutionalization of the political institutions, democratization and democratic consolidation processes – all these questions were discussed in this methodical book.

Institutions-organizations and institutions-rules (norms), levels of institutionalization and its influence on political development of political system, constitutions and constitutional interpretation, structural-functional characteristic of the main political institutions (parties, party and electoral systems, legislatures and executive power, public administration, interest groups, local governance, judicial and political communication institutions), variuos types, models of these institutions and activity, interaction between political institutions and their influence on real politics, institutional engineering, institutionalization of the political institutions, democratization and democratic consolidation processes – all these questions were discussed in this methodical book.

This article provides the analysis of Roman Catholic Church and state relations reflected in publications of "Free-thinker" and "Free Thought", during the period of 1933 to 1936. Those newspapers were publicized by the Lithuanian Free-thinker Ethical Culture Society (LFECS) (Lietuvos laisvamanių etinės kultūros draugijos, LLEKD). The analysis revealed that the main objective of publishers (Šliūpas, Tomas Karušis, Jonas Ilgūnas, etc.) was to introduce to the public the LFECS, to pull up the circle of its followers and change people's world-view. The main obstacle for these ambitions to be implemented was the Catholic Church. This article carries out the three level analysis of relations between the Church and state. The legitimation of the Civil registry, the abolition of religion teaching at schools and the place of the Church as an institution and religion in the general context of Lithuania's future. The content of analyzed texts revealed that free-thinkers were seeking for the legalization of Civil registry in the reasonable and consistent manner. Besides, they were engaged in educational activities, developed a program and publicized it in the press, carried out meetings with residents, governmental institutions, provided a petition to the Seimas and the President. Šliūpas and its followers were influenced by the ideas of rationalism and positivism strictly refused the Church's activities at the school. They recommended to teach introduction to morality and comparative. [to full text]

This article is based on the analysis of a brief but very important period (from 19 June 1920 till 2 February 1922) of Lithuanian political history from the perspective of political science and history. The article provides the insights on the governmental dynamics of independent Lithuania during the first parliamentary and the fourth governmental coalition of the christian democrats party and peasant populists led by Kazys Grinius. Those two parliamentary parties were united by the common idea of independent state of Lithuania, besides they had similar social and economic programmes. On the other hand, those two political powers collided over different worldviews, understanding of democracy, human rights and civic liberty. From the beginning there were indications that coalition will not be long-lasting, nevertheless it worked more than 19 months it was employable and effective. Despite that, quantitative imbalance of the party members within the parliament, differences of political weight within the government, and deep contradictions on the place of church and religion within the state, produced the permanent clashes among the members of coalition. The aim of this article is to analyse the formation of peasant populists tactics and the process of its implementation. The analysis of primary sources revealed, that members of peasant populist from the very beginning of their work within the fourth government, till the autumn of 1921, fluctuated among two perspectives: remaining the member of coalition or withdrawing to the opposition. Long-term discussions within the peasant populists on political tactics while working in the parliament divided this political power into 2 competing radical and temperate sides. The permanent fluctuations among the coalition and opposition there reflected neither in seimas nor in the media.[.].

This article is based on the analysis of a brief but very important period (from 19 June 1920 till 2 February 1922) of Lithuanian political history from the perspective of political science and history. The article provides the insights on the governmental dynamics of independent Lithuania during the first parliamentary and the fourth governmental coalition of the christian democrats party and peasant populists led by Kazys Grinius. Those two parliamentary parties were united by the common idea of independent state of Lithuania, besides they had similar social and economic programmes. On the other hand, those two political powers collided over different worldviews, understanding of democracy, human rights and civic liberty. From the beginning there were indications that coalition will not be long-lasting, nevertheless it worked more than 19 months it was employable and effective. Despite that, quantitative imbalance of the party members within the parliament, differences of political weight within the government, and deep contradictions on the place of church and religion within the state, produced the permanent clashes among the members of coalition. The aim of this article is to analyse the formation of peasant populists tactics and the process of its implementation. The analysis of primary sources revealed, that members of peasant populist from the very beginning of their work within the fourth government, till the autumn of 1921, fluctuated among two perspectives: remaining the member of coalition or withdrawing to the opposition. Long-term discussions within the peasant populists on political tactics while working in the parliament divided this political power into 2 competing radical and temperate sides. The permanent fluctuations among the coalition and opposition there reflected neither in seimas nor in the media.[.].

This article is based on the analysis of a brief but very important period (from 19 June 1920 till 2 February 1922) of Lithuanian political history from the perspective of political science and history. The article provides the insights on the governmental dynamics of independent Lithuania during the first parliamentary and the fourth governmental coalition of the christian democrats party and peasant populists led by Kazys Grinius. Those two parliamentary parties were united by the common idea of independent state of Lithuania, besides they had similar social and economic programmes. On the other hand, those two political powers collided over different worldviews, understanding of democracy, human rights and civic liberty. From the beginning there were indications that coalition will not be long-lasting, nevertheless it worked more than 19 months it was employable and effective. Despite that, quantitative imbalance of the party members within the parliament, differences of political weight within the government, and deep contradictions on the place of church and religion within the state, produced the permanent clashes among the members of coalition. The aim of this article is to analyse the formation of peasant populists tactics and the process of its implementation. The analysis of primary sources revealed, that members of peasant populist from the very beginning of their work within the fourth government, till the autumn of 1921, fluctuated among two perspectives: remaining the member of coalition or withdrawing to the opposition. Long-term discussions within the peasant populists on political tactics while working in the parliament divided this political power into 2 competing radical and temperate sides. The permanent fluctuations among the coalition and opposition there reflected neither in seimas nor in the media.[.].