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The brief examines how regional developments in Central/South Asia may affect the stabilization process in Afghanistan. Given that regional security dynamics played an important role in aggravating the conflict in Afghanistan in the 1990s, the report juxtaposes the situation in the 1990s with the present state of affairs. The brief argues that the regional dynamics in 2010 are very different from the 1990s and puts forward four arguments to that effect. First, the improved India- Pakistan relationship is crucial for regional stability. In assessing prospects for positive developments between India and Pakistan, it is necessary to factor in broader regional concerns, especially the now cordial, yet tense relations between the rising powers India and China. Second, with its new economic and political weight, the stage is set for China to take the role as regional hegemon in the wider Central/South Asia region, although it is uncertain if or when it will choose to enact this role. Third, regional energy projects might in the long-term increase cooperation and build confidence, but developments are slow. By contrast, improved transport networks and increased trade have positively affected the region. Fourth, Iran's nuclear program poses an indirect, but serious challenge to regional stability. Take together these four arguments highlight the increasing salience of India and China. Moreover, the brief illustrates how regional affairs in 2010 are a mix of inter-state rivalry and insecurity together with patterns of economic cooperation. The risk still exists that regional insecurities could aggravate the internal rivalries in Afghanistan and the regional environment certainly creates additional challenges to Afghanistan's stabilization process. However, the regional environment looks less prone to feed into and augment internal rivalries when compared with the 1990s.

I denne artikkelen undersøker vi om olje- og gassproduksjonen har negativ innvirkning på Norges klimaomdømme. Dette gjør vi ved å kartlegge meldinger som ble lagt ut på Twitter i forbindelse med det 26. klimatoppmøtet (COP 26) i Glasgow. For å sette Norges omdømme i perspektiv, sammenlikner vi Twitter-meldingene om Norge og Sverige. Studien viser at det er liten forskjell mellom meldingene som omhandler Norge og Sverige når det gjelder negative holdninger. Vi finner imidlertid to trekk som er av interesse for forståelsen av Norges omdømme. For det første er meldingene tematisk ulike: De dominerende temaene i meldingene som nevner Sverige handler om å fremme overgangen til grønn energi og klimaaktivisme, mens de dominerende temaene i meldingene om Norge i hovedsak handler om klimafinansiering og behovet for utfasing av produksjon av fossilt brensel. For det andre er de negative meldingene om Sverige av mer generell karakter, knyttet til kritikk av alle lands manglende omstilling, mens de negative meldingene om Norge er spesifikk, knyttet til olje- og gassproduksjon.
Abstract in English:Norway's Climate Reputation on TwitterIn this article we explore whether oil and gas industry negatively affects Norway's climate reputation by analyzing tweets posted during the 26th UN Climate Change Conference of the Parties (COP26) in Glasgow. To make our findings more reliable, we compare tweets about Norway with tweets about Sweden. The results of our study reveal that there is no significant difference in negative sentiment between tweets about Norway compared with tweets about Sweden. However, we find that tweets about the two states differ thematically. While dominant topics in tweets mentioning Sweden are about promotion of the green transition and climate activism, tweets about Norway are mostly about climate financing and the need to phase out fossil fuel production. Furthermore, negative tweets about Sweden are of a more general nature, similar to criticism of all countries not meeting their climate goals, while negative tweets about Norway are specific and related to fossil fuel industry.

The authors thank the Hematopathology Collection registered at the Biobank of Hospital Clínic—Institut d'Investigacions Biomèdiques August Pi i Sunyer (IDIBAPS) as well as Sílvia Martín for the technical support. This study was supported by the "la Caixa" Foundation (CLLEvolution-LCF/PR/HR17/52150017, Health Research 2017 Program HR17-00221, to EC), the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program (810287, BCLLatlas, to EC, and HH), CERCA Program/Generalitat de Catalunya, Generalitat de Catalunya Suport Grups de Recerca AGAUR 2017-SGR-1142 (to EC), CIBERONC (CB16/12/00225 to EC), Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación PID2020-117185RB-I00 (to XSP), FEDER: European Regional Development Fund "Una manera de hacer Europa", and Fundación Asociación Española Contra el Cáncer FUNCAR-PRYGN211258SUÁR (to XSP). The authors thankfully acknowledge the computer resources at MareNostrum4 and the technical support provided by Barcelona Supercomputing Center (RES activity BCV-2018-3-0001). FN acknowledge research support from the American Association for Cancer Research (2021 AACR-Amgen Fellowship in Clinical/Translational Cancer Research, Grant Number 21-40-11-NADE), the European Hematology Association (EHA Junior Research Grant 2021, Grant Number RG-202012-00245), and the Lady Tata Memorial Trust (International Award for Research in Leukemia 2021–2022, Grant Number LADY_TATA_21_3223). EC is an Academia Researcher of the "Institució Catalana de Recerca i Estudis Avançats" (ICREA) of the Generalitat de Catalunya. This work was partially developed at the Centre Esther Koplowitz (CEK, Barcelona, Spain). ; Peer Reviewed ; Postprint (published version)