Suchergebnisse

This collection considers human rights and incarceration in relation to the liberal-democratic states of Australia, New Zealand and the UK. It presents original case-study material on groups that are disproportionately affected by incarceration, including Indigenous populations, children, women, those with disabilities, and refugees or 'non-citizens'. The book considers how and why human rights are eroded, but also how they can be built and sustained through social, creative, cultural, legal, political and personal acts. It establishes the need for pragmatic reforms as well as the abolition of incarceration. Contributors consider what has, or might, work to secure rights for incarcerated populations, and they critically analyse human rights in their legal, socio-cultural, economic and political contexts. In covering this ground, the book presents a re-invigorated vision of human rights in relation to incarceration. After all, human rights are not static principles; they have to be developed, fought over and engaged with.--

"This book tells the story of 105 New Zealanders who experienced this mass institutionalisation. Informed by thousands of pages of Child Welfare accounts, letters, health reports, legal statements as well as interviews, Stanley tells the children's story: growing up in homes characterised by violence and neglect; removal into the State's 'care' network; daily life in the institutions; violence and punishment; and the legacy of this treatment for victims today. The state masqueraded as a good parent, but its violence and negligence made things worse for children. This book is a moving account of the experiences of those placed into state care, and a powerful call for redress and change"--Publisher information

"This book tells the story of 105 New Zealanders who experienced this mass institutionalisation. Informed by thousands of pages of Child Welfare accounts, letters, health reports, legal statements as well as interviews, Stanley tells the children's story: growing up in homes characterised by violence and neglect; removal into the State's 'care' network; daily life in the institutions; violence and punishment; and the legacy of this treatment for victims today. The state masqueraded as a good parent, but its violence and negligence made things worse for children. This book is a moving account of the experiences of those placed into state care, and a powerful call for redress and change"--Publisher information

pt. 1. The domestic politics of war termination. Old Baldy -- Domestic coalition shifts in overcoming obstacles to peace -- pt. 2. The Korean War. The Korean states : powerless players in the forgotten war -- The Soviet Union : outlasting Stalin's preferences -- The United States, part 1 : trapped by the NSC-68 mindset -- The United States, part 2 : trapped by voluntary prisoner repatriation -- China : trapped by a hawkish ally -- Interacting domestic coalitions in bargains for peace -- pt. 3. Testing and extending the argument. Domestic coalition shifts in war termination since 1862 -- War termination in theory and practice

"Building on observations, documentary analysis and over seventy interviews with both torture victims and transitional justice workers this book explores how torture was used, suffered and resisted in Timor-Leste. The author investigates the extent to which transitional justice institutions have provided justice for torture victims. She illustrates how truth commissions and international courts operate together and reflecting on their successes and weaknesses with reference to wider social, political and economic conditions. Stanley also details victims' experiences of torture and highlights how they experience life in the newly built state of Timor-Leste." "Tracking the past, present and future of human rights, truth and justice for victims in Timor-Leste, Torture, Truth and Justice will be of interest to students, professionals and scholars of Asian studies, International Studies, Human Rights and Social Policy."--Jacket

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Bargaining models of war suggest that war ends after two sides develop an overlapping bargaining space. Domestic mechanisms—domestic governing coalitions, a state's elite foreign policy decisionmaking group, and their role in ending interstate war—are critical in explaining how, when, and why that bargaining space develops. Through preference, information, and entrapment obstacles, wars can become "stuck" and require a change in expectations to produce a war-terminating bargaining space. A major source of such change is a shift in belligerents' governing coalitions. Events in the United States, China, and the Soviet Union during the Korean War illustrate the dynamics of these obstacles and the need for domestic coalition shifts in overcoming them before the conflict could be brought to an end.

TNC has been on the agenda in many discussions on the world arena lately. TNC is believed to be impossible to be evaluated if some understanding of the activities of state and transnational institutions is not taken into account. After the proclaimed independence in 1999 Timor-Leste, the country has faced major problems with its institutional establishments (courts, police, criminal justice terms, and prisons) and TNCs due to the lack of experience that affected Timorese people and made the country almost an absolute dependant of outsiders. Before the U.N. "adopted" Timor-Leste, the country kept failing in attempts to establish a healthy environment due to reasons listed by the author. Presently, Timor-Leste has been struggling with TNCs in administrative sector that threatens the population well-being. L. Babiasz