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Cover -- Copyright -- Contents -- "A Heavy Sense of Dread": British Cold War Culture -- The Cambridge Spies: Class, Gender, Sexuality and Politics in Cold War Britain -- "Smyert Shpionam - Death to Spies": Cold War Representations of the Soviet Enemy in Ian Fleming's From Russia with Love -- Worlds out of Control: Invasion Narratives, Interspecies Conflict and British Culture in the Early Cold War -- No Doves Fly Here: British Punk and Cold War Dystopia -- Desire and Anxiety: Cold War Voyeurismin Contemporary TV Spy Series -- Reviews -- Jim Smyth (2016), Cold War Culture: Intellectuals, the Media and the Practice of History -- Jonathan Hogg (2016), British Nuclear Culture: Official and Unofficial Narratives in the Long 20th Century -- Sebastian Berg (2016), Intellectual Radicalism after 1989: Crisis and Re-Orientation in the British and the American Left -- Petra Rau, ed. (2016), Long Shadows: The Second World War in British Fiction and Film, Evanston -- Kathleen Starck (2016), Of Treason, God and Testicles: Political Masculinities in British and American Films of the Early Cold War -- Christoph Singer (2014), Sea Change: The Shore from Shakespeare to Banville -- Contributors -- Back Cover.

The field of Cold War studies has recently undergone a cultural turn. Scholars from many disciplines outside - but increasingly also from Otherin - diplomatic history have come to understand that, just as the Cold War was marked by a political and military competition, it was also characterised by a cultural one. As a result, it is now widely accepted that everyday culture was itself infused Other political and ideological messages. The Cold War was ubiquitous. In an attempt to comprehend this

This collection of essays explores post-1989 Western perceptions of Eastern Europe and how these manifest themselves in cultural representations. It starts out from findings in the academic field of "post-socialism", claiming that "Easterners" and "Westerners" are still very much under the influence of the socialisation they underwent during the Cold War and its aftermath. As a consequence, the revolutions of 1989 and 1990 and the subsequent opportunities for exchange did not necessarily brin...

This article critically reviews the concept of political masculinities that has been developed and applied across disciplines over the last ten years. I reflect on its future use across disciplines and, in particular, political science. In arguing for its continued utility, I suggest that, rather than existing as a category or configuration of gender practice, it acts as a useful lens through which to view the variably implicit and explicit practice of gendered power relations. This allows us to navigate what has been recognised as the 'multifariousness and decentredness' of different categories or configurations of gender practice and makes the varying politicalness of these practices visible as a basis for equitable gender change. In developing the concept further, I define what is 'political' in political masculinities and examine its relation to other categories or configurations of masculinity practices, such as hegemonic, dominant, marginalised and subordinate masculinities.

Intro -- Contents -- About the Authors -- Chapter Summaries -- Chapter 1: Only for the Brave? Political Men and Masculinities: Change Agents for Gender Equality -- 1.1 Introduction -- 1.1.1 Political Men and Masculinities -- 1.1.1.1 A Singular or Multiple Concepts of Political Masculinities? -- 1.1.1.2 Locating Political Masculinities within a Conceptual Landscape? -- 1.1.1.3 Understanding Power and Political Masculinities? -- 1.1.2 Change Agents for Gender Equality -- 1.1.3 Political Men and Masculinities as Change Agents -- 1.2 A Summary of Contributions -- References -- Chapter 2: The Politics of Absent Men or Political Masculinities Without the Polis -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 Political Masculinities in the Mainstream -- 2.3 Political Masculinities in Relation to Feminism -- 2.4 Political Masculinities: The Politics of Absent Men without the Polis -- 2.4.1 Political Masculinities: Transnational Agents of Change -- 2.4.2 Political Masculinities: Virtual Agents of Change -- 2.4.3 Political Masculinities: Ageing Agents of Change -- 2.5 Not a Conclusion, and a Further Absence … -- References -- Chapter 3: Male Agents of Change and Disassociating from the Problem in the Prevention of Violence against Women -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Method -- 3.3 The Personal Is Political and the Political Is Personal -- 3.4 Distancing Oneself from the Problem -- 3.4.1 Disassociation from Other Men -- 3.4.2 Disassociation from Men's Violence -- 3.4.3 Disassociation from Patriarchy -- 3.5 Resisting Disassociation -- 3.6 Moving Beyond Shame -- 3.7 Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 4: Change among the Change Agents? Men's Experiences of Engaging in Anti-Violence Advocacy as White Ribbon Australia Ambassadors -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.1.1 Australia's White Ribbon Campaign -- 4.2 Method -- 4.2.1 Demographic Profile -- 4.3 Results and Discussion.

This introduction to the special issue on "Political Masculinities and Social Transition" rethinks the notion of "crisis in masculinity" and points to its weaknesses, such as cyclical patterns and chronicity. Rather than viewing key moments in history as points of rupture, we understand social change as encompassing ongoing transitions marked by a "fluid nature" (Montecinos 2017, 2). In line with this, the contributions examine how political masculinities are implicated within a wide range of social transitions, such as nation building after war, the founding of a new political party in response to an economic crisis, an "authoritarian relapse" in a democracy, attempts at changing society through terrorism, rapid industrialization as well as peace building in conflict areas. Building on Starck and Sauer's definition of "political masculinities" we suggest applying the concept to instances in which power is explicitly either being (re)produced or challenged. We distinguish between political masculinities that are more readily identified as such (e.g., professional politicians) and less readily identified political masculinities (e.g., citizens), emphasizing how these interact with each other. We ask whether there is a discernible trajectory in the characteristics of political masculinities brought about by social transition that can be confirmed across cultures. The contributors' findings indicate that these political masculinities can contribute to different kinds of change that either maintain the status quo, are progressive, retrogressive, or a mixture of these. Revolutionary transitions, it seems, often promote the adherence to traditional forms of political masculinity, whereas more reformatory transition leaves discursive spaces for argument.