Suchergebnisse

After 1989, the Hungarian minority in Romania could receive basic rights, the execution of which — without mayor conflict — is followed by the subsequent governments. This was the result of an over two decades long process. In the first period, between 1989 and 1996, Romanian nationalism did not allow for substantial changes in the approach to the Hungarian minority. Only after the Hungarian-Romanian Treaty on Understanding, Cooperation, and Good Neighbourship, the two countries started their cooperation, which gradually reduced the tension on the international level and allowed for the creation of a legal system guaranteeing basic right of the Hungarian minority in Romania. Surely, the actions and skilfully created programme of the largest Hungarian political party in Romania, the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (Romanian: Uniunea Democrată Maghiară din România, UDMR, Hungarian: Romániai Magyar Demokrata Szövets ég, RMDSZ), a regional party, that was able to secure a place on the political scene as a co-ruling party or lend its support to the government in order to achieve its goals through participation in politics on the central level, contributed to the creation of a well-functioning legal system in 1996–2011. The UDMR tries to use its participation in the elections to the European Parliament, in which it has two representatives, to implement its own policy, i.e. the elaboration appropriate programs of regional cooperation in the name of the idea of a "Europe of the regions". Accession to the EU, adopting the Council of Europe's Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages served as a basis for adopting a range of acts sought by the UDMR. In 2001, Victor Orbán's government established the Hungarian's Card, which led to ethnic tensions. Its amendment normalised the tense situation between Budapest and Bucharest. Currently, the aspiration to obtain political and territorial autonomy for Hungarians in Transylvania, which is contrary to the provision of the constitution of Romania — is increasing and causing conflicts, which antagonises the Romanians, who are afraid that such demands may result in losing a part of Transylvania, towards the Hungarian minority. Nationalist Hungarian parties in Parliament support these demands. The government does not reject them either. UDMR, officially emphasising the development of infrastructure in Transylvania and the education of the Hungarian minority, aims at decentralisation of power a self-governance in order to take over some competences of the central authorities. ; After 1989, the Hungarian minority in Romania could receive basic rights, the execution of which — without mayor conflict — is followed by the subsequent governments. This was the result of an over two decades long process. In the first period, between 1989 and 1996, Romanian nationalism did not allow for substantial changes in the approach to the Hungarian minority. Only after the Hungarian-Romanian Treaty on Understanding, Cooperation, and Good Neighbourship, the two countries started their cooperation, which gradually reduced the tension on the international level and allowed for the creation of a legal system guaranteeing basic right of the Hungarian minority in Romania. Surely, the actions and skilfully created programme of the largest Hungarian political party in Romania, the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (Romanian: Uniunea Democrată Maghiară din România, UDMR, Hungarian: Romániai Magyar Demokrata Szövets ég, RMDSZ), a regional party, that was able to secure a place on the political scene as a co-ruling party or lend its support to the government in order to achieve its goals through participation in politics on the central level, contributed to the creation of a well-functioning legal system in 1996–2011. The UDMR tries to use its participation in the elections to the European Parliament, in which it has two representatives, to implement its own policy, i.e. the elaboration appropriate programs of regional cooperation in the name of the idea of a "Europe of the regions". Accession to the EU, adopting the Council of Europe's Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages served as a basis for adopting a range of acts sought by the UDMR. In 2001, Victor Orbán's government established the Hungarian's Card, which led to ethnic tensions. Its amendment normalised the tense situation between Budapest and Bucharest. Currently, the aspiration to obtain political and territorial autonomy for Hungarians in Transylvania, which is contrary to the provision of the constitution of Romania — is increasing and causing conflicts, which antagonises the Romanians, who are afraid that such demands may result in losing a part of Transylvania, towards the Hungarian minority. Nationalist Hungarian parties in Parliament support these demands. The government does not reject them either. UDMR, officially emphasising the development of infrastructure in Transylvania and the education of the Hungarian minority, aims at decentralisation of power a self-governance in order to take over some competences of the central authorities.

In the discussion of the armed conflict in Macedonia the economic theory of civil war was used, presented by Paul Collier, Anke Hoeffler and Dominic Rohner. The authors of the theory based their assumptions on a "feasibility hypothesis",that is the possibility of a rebellion, claiming that "where a rebellion is possible, it will take place", with relevant economic factors in place. Once they were analysed, it became clear that they were very important in the case of Macedonia as the economic crisis offered some groups of Albanians reasons for expressing their dissatisfaction more radically as well as claims vis à vis the state authorities in Skopje, but also led to corruption, discontinuation of reforms, and illegal trade on a large scale.

It is assumed that on 16 February 2001, Albanians started fighting for their rights in Macedonia with the use of force. On that day armed groups attacked Macedonian police stations in the village of Tanuševci near Tetov. The clashes of various intensity lasted until major amendments to Macedonian constitution were adopted in November 2001.In the first stage of fighting (until May 2001), the Macedonians attempted to disarm the Albanian rebels and destroy the weapons which they had accumulated. This proved difficult because of the support which the latter had in Kosovo and the Prešev Valley, and the guerrilla strategy that they had developed earlier in Kosovo and now adopted. What is more, the Macedonian military actions were slowed down by Americans with the intention of limiting the number of casualties. In April, EU members and the US managed to establish a wide coalition.The major political parties of the country, both governing and oppositional (Macedonian and Albanian) decided to start negotiations concerning the conditions of the future peace treaty - that is, concessions for Albanians living in Macedonia and awarding them more rights. At the same time, the US and members of the EU states opposed the introduction of martial law in the country in order to deal with Albanian rebels by force.The leaders of Albanian parties in Macedonia and the main leaders of the Albanian revolution signed the Prizren Agreement, which was to provide a new plain for the future peace negotiations. Boris Trajkovski, the President of Macedonia, largely agreed with US and UE politics, but for the Prime Minister, his environment and most prominent Macedonian intellectuals - with Georgi Efremov, the President of MANU - the only solution was the division of the Macedonian territory and exchange of their minority groups. The representatives of the EU and US opposed such actions and emphasised that preserving the territorial integrity of Macedonia was absolutely crucial. ; It is assumed that on 16 February 2001, Albanians started fighting for their rights in Macedonia with the use of force. On that day armed groups attacked Macedonian police stations in the village of Tanuševci near Tetov. The clashes of various intensity lasted until major amendments to Macedonian constitution were adopted in November 2001.In the first stage of fighting (until May 2001), the Macedonians attempted to disarm the Albanian rebels and destroy the weapons which they had accumulated. This proved difficult because of the support which the latter had in Kosovo and the Prešev Valley, and the guerrilla strategy that they had developed earlier in Kosovo and now adopted. What is more, the Macedonian military actions were slowed down by Americans with the intention of limiting the number of casualties. In April, EU members and the US managed to establish a wide coalition.The major political parties of the country, both governing and oppositional (Macedonian and Albanian) decided to start negotiations concerning the conditions of the future peace treaty - that is, concessions for Albanians living in Macedonia and awarding them more rights. At the same time, the US and members of the EU states opposed the introduction of martial law in the country in order to deal with Albanian rebels by force.The leaders of Albanian parties in Macedonia and the main leaders of the Albanian revolution signed the Prizren Agreement, which was to provide a new plain for the future peace negotiations. Boris Trajkovski, the President of Macedonia, largely agreed with US and UE politics, but for the Prime Minister, his environment and most prominent Macedonian intellectuals - with Georgi Efremov, the President of MANU - the only solution was the division of the Macedonian territory and exchange of their minority groups. The representatives of the EU and US opposed such actions and emphasised that preserving the territorial integrity of Macedonia was absolutely crucial.