Suchergebnisse

The author argues that nativism, racism, and anti-immigrant sentiment presented by representatives of the U.S. government in the context of human trafficking leaves both victims and traffickers portrayed as one-dimensional criminals. Current anti-trafficking regimes embody and restate xenophobic reactions directed against illegal migrant men, while often disguising the role domestic actors have in trafficking. Additionally, the images presented imply that traffickers are lacking in "proper" masculinity, particularly of the sort embraced by Americans. This article not only explores how government anti-trafficking statements made between 1998 and 2010 create and reinforce divides in masculinities based on regimes of racial domination, but also notes particularly how anti-trafficking furthers the domination of white American masculinity. The author describes the ineffectiveness of such an approach and suggests that we must move beyond racial stereotyping and the immigration frame if we hope to broaden our definitions and understandings in a way that will deepen our thinking and allow us to see those involved in this trade as multi-faceted and textured human beings, thereby allowing us to pursue social change more effectively.

The author argues that nativism, racism, and anti-immigrant sentiment presented by representatives of the U.S. government in the context of human trafficking leaves both victims and traffickers portrayed as one-dimensional criminals. Current anti-trafficking regimes embody and restate xenophobic reactions directed against illegal migrant men, while often disguising the role domestic actors have in trafficking. Additionally, the images presented imply that traffickers are lacking in "proper" masculinity, particularly of the sort embraced by Americans. This article not only explores how government anti-trafficking statements made between 1998 and 2010 create and reinforce divides in masculinities based on regimes of racial domination, but also notes particularly how anti-trafficking furthers the domination of white American masculinity. The author describes the ineffectiveness of such an approach and suggests that we must move beyond racial stereotyping and the immigration frame if we hope to broaden our definitions and understandings in a way that will deepen our thinking and allow us to see those involved in this trade as multi-faceted and textured human beings, thereby allowing us to pursue social change more effectively.

The prospect of commercial passenger spaceflight presents an unique opportunity to the space community, comprised not only of the scientists, engineers, enthusiasts and entrepreneurs, but also diplomats, governments, policy makers and legislators, to formulate an internationally acceptable set of requirements, standards and procedures that would give international consistency to operators of commercial passenger spaceflight, both for space tourism and for terrestrial transportation. It is important that the international community avail itself of this opportunity before various countries decide to become "flags of convenience" or to impose more stringent standards than overseas operators can comply with so as to protect a budding industry of their own. This article will explore, from parallels in maritime law and civil aviation law, and drawing from existing domestic examples of regulation, what lessons may be learnt from such existing bodies of law and regulation that may provide some guidance for the future formulation of regulations for on range safety, flight safety or accident investigation relating to commercial passenger spaceflight.

BACKGROUND: Tobacco companies use a host of strategies to undermine public health efforts directed to reduce and eliminate smoking. The success, failure and trends in domestic litigation used by tobacco companies to undermine tobacco control are not well understood, with commentators often assuming disputes are trade related or international in nature. We analyse domestic legal disputes involving tobacco companies and public health actors in high-income countries across the last decade to ascertain the types of action and the success or failure of cases, develop effective responses. METHODS: WorldLii, a publicly available online law repository, was used to identify domestic court cases involving tobacco companies from 2004 to 2014, while outcome data from LexisNexis and Westlaw databases were used to identify appeals and trace case history. RESULTS: We identified six domestic cases in the UK, Australia and Canada, noting that the tobacco industry won only one of six cases; a win later usurped by legislative reform and a further court case. Nevertheless, we found cases involve significant resource costs for governments, often progressing across multiple jurisdictional levels. DISCUSSION: We suggest that, in light of our results, while litigation takes up significant time and incurs legal costs for health ministries, policymakers must robustly fend off suggestions that litigation wastes taxpayers' money, pointing to the good prospects of winning such legal battles.