Suchergebnisse

The study focuses on the development of political history and the evaluation of the perspectives of its further development. Since the second half of the 20th century, political history has been cultivated in three basic subfields: new political history, social political history, and cultural political history. It then discusses other subfields that are or could be used in the analysis of political history. Finally, the study advocates the idea of creating an "integrated" political history that would result from combining the strengths of different theoretical and methodological approaches, especially history, political science, economics, and sociology. Author has called for the creation of an "integrated" political history that would emerge by combining the strengths of different approaches. In particular, he argued for building a bridge between the new political history, political science, and political economy. This, however, would require scholars from each discipline to recognize that the other disciplines are not misguided or mistaken, but equal and worthy of the closest collaboration. It would also require the formation of interdisciplinary teams; in the case of political history, these teams would include political scientists, sociologists, economists, statisticians, lawyers, and anthropologists in addition to historians. Similarly, disciplinary barriers would have to be overcome in journals indexed in Web of Science and other databases. The emphasis on an interdisciplinary approach is nothing new in the social sciences and humanities, but the question is to what extent it has been possible to present policy analysis from the theoretical and methodological perspectives of several disciplines.

Studie zhodnotila důsledky aféry s Daily Telegraphem pro vývoj vztahu německého obyvatelstva k monarchii a konstatovala vážné narušení vážnosti této instituce. Autor je přesvědčen, že v roce 1918 se projevily důsledky diskreditace trůnu, a monarchii nahradila republika. Vinu jednoznačně přisuzuje poslednímu německému císaři, který by dokázal vybudovat dobré vztahy mezi Velkou Británií a Německem, ale vzhledem ke svému temperamentu této úloze nedorostl a zklamal. Protože se potácel mezi anglickou a německou "identitou", byly jeho osobní zásahy do zahraniční politiky a britsko-německé diplomacie chaotické a nevypočitatelné. Autor zhodnotil i současnou diskusi o "osobní vládě" a došel k závěru, že Vilém II. dodržoval říšskou ústavu a v žádném případě nebyl absolutním monarchou. Veřejnost ale často mylně považovala jeho náhlé nápady za oficiální stanoviska. ; The study evaluated the consequences of the affair with Daily Telegraph for developing a relationship between the German population and the monarchy and observed a severe disruption of the regard of this institution.The author is convinced that in 1918 the consequences of discrediting the throne came into effect; the monarchy was replaced by a republic. The last German emperor is seen as clearly at fault for this situation. He would have been able to develop good relations between Great Britian and Germany but he was not able to rise to this occasion and thus failed because of his temperament. His personal interventions in foreign affairs and the British-German diplomacy were chaotic and unpredictable because of his struggle between his English and German "identities". The author also evaluated the current discussion about the "personal rule" and came to the conclusion that Wilhelm II honored the constitution of the empire and was not under any circumstances an absolute monarch. The public often incorrectly perceived his sudden ideas as official statements. ; The study evaluated the consequences of the affair with Daily Telegraph for developing a relationship between the German population and the monarchy and observed a severe disruption of the regard of this institution.The author is convinced that in 1918 the consequences of discrediting the throne came into effect; the monarchy was replaced by a republic. The last German emperor is seen as clearly at fault for this situation. He would have been able to develop good relations between Great Britian and Germany but he was not able to rise to this occasion and thus failed because of his temperament. His personal interventions in foreign affairs and the British-German diplomacy were chaotic and unpredictable because of his struggle between his English and German "identities". The author also evaluated the current discussion about the "personal rule" and came to the conclusion that Wilhelm II honored the constitution of the empire and was not under any circumstances an absolute monarch. The public often incorrectly perceived his sudden ideas as official statements.

Abstract
The paper deals with the state of the social sciences after the boom of internet services in the Czech Republic in the 1990s. The results of our survey, based on 512 responses from the economics and history departments of major Czech public universities, show that internet services are considered a quality factor for academic output; however, the issues of plagiarism, a lack of resource criticism, inadequacy of impact factor-based evaluations, poor academic training for the new generation of social scientists, the failure of state academic policy, and the generation gap make further development in the Czech social sciences rather problematic. As a result we recommend creating a better communication link between policy makers and scholars, reforming the current state policy which encourages lower quality academic output, and improving academic training, which requires a more individual approach, and also placing higher demands on social scientists.

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Tato studie analyzuje personální politiku císaře a krále Viléma II. v německých a pruských politických institucích, popisuje její nejzávažnější události, jejich okolnosti, hledá hlavní aktéry jednotlivých jmenování a zkoumá otázku, kdo se o klíčová personální rozhodnutí zasloužil. Dochází k závěru, že personální politika v konstituční německé a pruské monarchii představovala kombinaci zásad monarchistického a demokratického vládního systému. Ústřední roli v ní hrál panovník, jeho nejbližší poradci a představitelé správy a méně již politických stran. V konstitučním Německu bylo obsazování nejvyšších úřadů za vlády Viléma II. zásadně ovlivněno představiteli tzv. liebenberského kruhu, neformálního seskupení kolem císařova přítele Eulenburga. Analýza koresponcence Eulenburga s panovníkem a dalšími politiky, stejně jako analýza zpráv rakousko‑uherských diplomatů prokázala, že Eulenburg zásadním způsobem ovlivnil v letech 1890–1900 výběr nejvyšších německých úředníků. Umožnilo mu to důvěrné přátelství s panovníkem. Namísto konzultací s představiteli politických stran dával císař přednost vlastním — často impulzivním — rozhodnutím nebo jednání s Eulenburgem. Studie prokázala, že poslední německý císař byl schopen vykonávat svá prerogativa a povinnosti pouze limitovaně a nebyl stavu skutečně řídit personální politiku. Po Eulenburgově odchodu od dvora se již žádnému dvořanu či politikovi nepodařilo navázat s císařem blízký přátelský vztah. Po odstranění liebenberského kruhu se uvolnil prostor pro ovlivňování císaře ze strany dvorského doprovodu a armádních špiček. ; This study analyses the personal politics of the emperor and king Wilhelm II in the German and Prussian political institutions, it describes its main events, its circumstances, it searches for the key participants of each naming and it looks into the question, who was responsible for key personal decisions. It comes to a conclusion that personal politics in the German and Prussian constitutional monarchy represented the combination of monarchist and democratic governmental principles. The monarch, his closest advisers and the representatives of the administration, less of the political parties, played the central role. In the constitutional Germany, the naming of the highest offices during the reign of Wilhelm II was mainly influenced by the representatives of the so called Liebenberg circle, informal group revolving around the monarch's friend Eulenburg. The analysis of the correspondence between Eulenburg and the monarch and other politicians, as well as the analysis of messages from Austro‑Hungarian diplomats, proves that Eulenburg greatly influenced the choosing of Germany's highest officers in the years 1890–1900. It was possible due to his close friendship with the monarch. Instead of consulting with the representatives of political parties, he preferred his own — often impulsive — decisions or talks with Eulenburg. The study proved that the last German emperor was able to carry out his prerogatives and duties only limited and was not in the state of really rule over the personal politics. After Eulenburg's departure from the court, no one (court member or politician) was able to take up such a personal and close friendship with the emperor. After eliminating the members of the Liebenberg circle, the spot for influencing the emperor was freed for court retinue and military elite. ; This study analyses the personal politics of the emperor and king Wilhelm II in the German and Prussian political institutions, it describes its main events, its circumstances, it searches for the key participants of each naming and it looks into the question, who was responsible for key personal decisions. It comes to a conclusion that personal politics in the German and Prussian constitutional monarchy represented the combination of monarchist and democratic governmental principles. The monarch, his closest advisers and the representatives of the administration, less of the political parties, played the central role. In the constitutional Germany, the naming of the highest offices during the reign of Wilhelm II was mainly influenced by the representatives of the so called Liebenberg circle, informal group revolving around the monarch's friend Eulenburg. The analysis of the correspondence between Eulenburg and the monarch and other politicians, as well as the analysis of messages from Austro -Hungarian diplomats, proves that Eulenburg greatly influenced the choosing of Germany's highest officers in the years 1890–1900. It was possible due to his close friendship with the monarch. Instead of consulting with the representatives of political parties, he preferred his own — often impulsive — decisions or talks with Eulenburg. The study proved that the last German emperor was able to carry out his prerogatives and duties only limited and was not in the state of really rule over the personal politics. After Eulenburg's departure from the court, no one (court member or politician) was able to take up such a personal and close friendship with the emperor. After eliminating the members of the Liebenberg circle, the spot for influencing the emperor was freed for court retinue and military elite.

This paper focuses on the analysis of the relationship between business cycles and innovative activity in a small open economy. Small economies benefit from imports of foreign technologies through international trade and foreign investments and are subjects to significant exogenous shocks that impact their business cycle. The economic analysis is based on the demand and supply theories of innovation and economic fluctuations. Hypotheses about long term and short term (Granger) effects are tested on Austrian historical data (1852-1979) about the economic output (gross domestic product and industry production) and innovation output (granted patents). The econometric analysis utilizes vector error correction procedure to estimate time-series models of the economy. The results are interpreted in Austrian historical context. The economic-historical analysis suggests that there is no long-term relationship between business cycles and innovative activity between 1852 and 1937. The long-term relationship manifested only between 1948 and 1979. This relationship is very complex and influenced by the historical context, and it is not easy to grasp by the econometric analysis. In the short run, there is no compelling evidence trough-out the analyzed time period (1852-1979). However, we cannot fully reject the hypothesis suggesting a relationship between economic cycles and innovative activities. In the most recent period (1948-1979), we can observe a negative impact (Granger causality) of granted patents on the real GDP. Future research taking into account more countries using parametric as well as non-parametric approach could shed some light on the demand hypothesis in the pre-war and post-war development of small open economies. This paper showed that there is a long-term equilibrium between economic output and innovation activity. This result suggests that long term factors such as political stability are behind the complex relationship.