Civilian Jihad in the Middle East: challenging foreign occupation
In: Routledge studies in peace and conflict resolution
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In: Routledge studies in peace and conflict resolution
In: The Palgrave Macmillan series on civil resistance
World Affairs Online
In: The Fletcher forum of world affairs, Band 30, Heft 2, S. 57-79
ISSN: 1046-1868
Circumstances that resulted in different outcomes in the nonviolent civil resistance movements in East Timor, Kosovo, & the Occupied Territories in Israel are examined. Informed by historical examples, it is contended that nonviolence resistance against foreign/occupying authorities can succeed if the economic, military, & political costs of maintaining territorial control are substantially increased. It is argued that nonviolent discipline, organizational unity, & strategic planning are crucial to achieving political reform via nonviolent means. Seminal events in the East Timorese, Kosovar Albanian, & Palestinian nonviolent civil resistance movements are reviewed; each movements capacity to achieve unity, strategically plan, & maintain nonviolent discipline is then documented, highlighting factors that resulted in the successful East Timorese resistance movement, the relative improvements in Palestinians lives, & the failure to maintain public support for nonviolence defiance amongst Kosovar Albanians. J. W. Parker
In: The Fletcher forum of world affairs, Band 30, Heft 2, S. 57-80
ISSN: 1046-1868
In: International peacekeeping, Band 11, Heft 2, S. 248-270
ISSN: 1743-906X
In: International peacekeeping, Band 11, Heft 2, S. 248-270
ISSN: 1353-3312
World Affairs Online
In: JPIA: Journal of Public and International Affairs, Band 14, S. 1-26
In: Journal of public and international affairs: JPIA, Band 14, S. 164-183
In: Columbia studies in terrorism and irregular warfare
For more than a century, from 1900 to 2006, campaigns of nonviolent resistance were more than twice as effective as their violent counterparts in achieving their stated goals. By attracting impressive support from citizens, whose activism takes the form of protests, boycotts, civil disobedience, and other forms of nonviolent noncooperation, these efforts help separate regimes from their main sources of power and produce remarkable results, even in Iran, Burma, the Philippines, and the Palestinian Territories. Combining statistical analysis with case studies of specific countries and territories, Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan detail the factors enabling such campaigns to succeed and, sometimes, causing them to fail. They find that nonviolent resistance presents fewer obstacles to moral and physical involvement and commitment, and that higher levels of participation contribute to enhanced resilience, greater opportunities for tactical innovation and civic disruption (and therefore less incentive for a regime to maintain its status quo), and shifts in loyalty among opponents' erstwhile supporters, including members of the military establishment. Chenoweth and Stephan conclude that successful nonviolent resistance ushers in more durable and internally peaceful democracies, which are less likely to regress into civil war. Presenting a rich, evidentiary argument, they originally and systematically compare violent and nonviolent outcomes in different historical periods and geographical contexts, debunking the myth that violence occurs because of structural and environmental factors and that it is necessary to achieve certain political goals. Instead, the authors discover, violent insurgency is rarely justifiable on strategic grounds
In: Foreign affairs, Band 93, Heft 4, S. 94-106
ISSN: 0015-7120
World Affairs Online
In: Rethinking Violence, S. 249-276
In: International security, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 7-44
ISSN: 1531-4804
The historical record indicates that nonviolent campaigns have been more successful than armed campaigns in achieving ultimate goals in political struggles, even when used against similar opponents and in the face of repression. Nonviolent campaigns are more likely to win legitimacy, attract widespread domestic and international support, neutralize the opponent's security forces, and compel loyalty shifts among erstwhile opponent supporters than are armed campaigns, which enjoin the active support of a relatively small number of people, offer the opponent a justification for violent counterattacks, and are less likely to prompt loyalty shifts and defections. An original, aggregate data set of all known major nonviolent and violent resistance campaigns from 1900 to 2006 is used to test these claims. These dynamics are further explored in case studies of resistance campaigns in Southeast Asia that have featured periods of both violent and nonviolent resistance.
In: International security, Band 33, Heft 1, S. 7-44
ISSN: 0162-2889
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of Military and Strategic Studies, Band 8, Heft 3, S. [np]
In: Democratization, Band 17, Heft 3, S. 492-513
ISSN: 1743-890X