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The literature on the production of high-tech electronics in China—following a Silicon Valley model—focuses on either large-scale manufacturing or the role of start-ups and 'makers'. The aim of this article is to turn to other kinds of spaces and work in the production of high-tech electronics. I focus here on three kinds of spaces in Shenzhen: the Huaqiangbei electronics market, small-scale factories and industrial design workshops. The electronics economy depends critically not just on 'makers' but on all kinds of other labour. In particular, it depends on lower middle-class and low-class work—devices made by small factories and shops, sold by small enterprises and designed for the less wealthy, especially in developing countries. The human networks that connect these individuals are critical to the size, speed and density of the markets, allowing devices to be built and shipped rapidly, for parts and customers to be available.

Who gets to practice and participate in science? Research teams in Puerto Rico and New Zealand have each sequenced the genomes of parrot populations native to these locales: the iguaca and kākāpō, respectively. In both cases, crowdfunding and social media were instrumental in garnering public interest and funding. These forms of Internet-mediated participation impacted how conservation science was practiced in these cases and shaped emergent social roles and relations. As citizens "follow," fund, and "like" the labor of conservation, they create new relational possibilities for and with science. For example, the researchers became newly engaged and engaging by narrating and displaying the parrots via an Internet-inflected aesthetic. The visibility of online modalities shifted accountabilities as researchers considered whom this crowdfunded work answered to and how to communicate their progress and results. The affordances of the Internet allowed researchers from the peripheries of the scientific establishment to produce genomic knowledge for globally dispersed audiences. The convergence of genomic and Internet technology here shaped scientific practice by facilitating new modes of participation—for laypeople in science but also for scientists in society.

On 20 March 2020, in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Singapore government released a new app called TraceTogether. Developed by the Ministry of Health, SG United, and GovTech Singapore, the app uses the Bluetooth capability of smartphones to store information about other smartphones that have come into close proximity with your own. These data facilitate the government's process of "contact tracing" through which they track those who have potentially come into contact with the virus and place them in quarantine. This essay attempts to understand what kinds of citizens and civic behavior might be brought into being by this technology. By examining the workings and affordances of the TraceTogether app in detail, the authors argue that its peer-to-peer and open-source technology features mobilize the rhetorics and ideals of citizens science and democratic participation. However, by deploying these within a context that centralizes data, the app turns ideals born of dissent and protest on their head, using them to build trust not within a community but rather in government power and control. Rather than building social trust, TraceTogether becomes a technological substitute for it. The significant public support for TraceTogether shows both the possibilities and limitations of citizen science in less liberal political contexts and circumstances.

On 20 March 2020, in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Singapore government released a new app called TraceTogether. Developed by the Ministry of Health, SG United, and GovTech Singapore, the app uses the Bluetooth capability of smartphones to store information about other smartphones that have come into close proximity with your own. These data facilitate the government's process of "contact tracing" through which they track those who have potentially come into contact with the virus and place them in quarantine. This essay attempts to understand what kinds of citizens and civic behavior might be brought into being by this technology. By exam-ining the workings and affordances of the TraceTogether app in detail, the authors argue that its peer-to-peer and open-source technology features mobilize the rhetorics and ideals of citizens science and democratic participation. However, by deploying these within a context that centralizes data, the app turns ideals born of dissent and protest on their head, using them to build trust not within a community but rather in government power and control. Rather than building social trust, TraceTogether becomes a technological substitute for it. The significant public support for Trace-Together shows both the possibilities and limitations of citizen science in less liberal political contexts and circumstances.

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- I: Materiality -- 1. Rise of the Sinocene? China as a Geological Agent -- 2 Geosocial Formations and the Petroleumscaping of Singapore: Underground Landscapes as Infrastructural Territories -- 3 A Floating Power Plant: Provisional Energy Infrastructure and Afro-Asian Connections -- II: Territory -- 4 Peripheral Infrastructure: The Electrification of Indonesia's Borderlands -- 5. Local Reservoirs and Chinese Aqueducts: The Politics of Water Security in Hong Kong -- 6 Teleview and the Aspirations of the Infrastructural State in Singapore -- III: Networks -- 7 From Creation City to Infrastructural Urbanism: The Chinese National New Area as an Infrastructure Space -- 8 Road's End: Lines and Spaces across a Divided High Asia -- 9 Motorbike Taxi Drivers, Ride-Share Apps, and the Modern Streetscape in Vietnam -- 10 Technical Experts and the Production of China's Airport Infrastructure -- Afterword: Infrastructural Futures -- Contributors.