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U.S. immigration has changed dramatically in the last 20 years: immigrants have increasingly gravitated toward "new destinations" and a growing portion are undocumented. In the absence of federal comprehensive immigration reform, states are proposing a patchwork of laws. While some laws encourage immigrant integration, most seek restriction. To understand this trend, this article analyzes Utah as a new immigration destination, exploring its transformation from an inclusive to a restrictive state. It focuses on a major debate: whether to allow unauthorized residents legal driving privileges. Because Utah initiated this law earlier than most, it leads this debate. To explain its evolution, this article analyzes 10 years of legislative debates and articles published on this law. Building on the narrative studies literature, I find that both sides of the immigration debate utilized a public safety and well‐being narrative. However, supporters of the driver license law relied on a "lower mimetic" narrative, characterized by logic and factual arguments. In contrast, their opponents wove a compelling, "apocalyptic" narrative to criticize the law. This narrative indelibly linked immigration to the dangers of crime and terrorism and thus paved the way for the passage of one of the most restrictive immigration laws in the United States.

Scholars agree that violent conflict is a major obstacle to development. Wars destroy physical infrastructure, disrupt communication and transportation, encourage capital flight, and discourage foreign and domestic investment. And most important, wars inflict incalculable losses on human populations due to death or displacement. While war is undoubtedly devastating, current research largely fails to explore how wartime displacement can create institutional opportunities to exercise agency, on both an individual and a community level. This paper, based on fieldwork that spans nearly a decade in Guatemala—both during and after the end of its civil war—investigates the conditions under which the tragedy of war can be a catalyst for community development. In particular, refugee testimonies demonstrate that their forced migration contributed to positive outcomes, namely the formation of international relationships and intra-group social bonds, the acquisition of education, useful skills and material goods, and the development of political savvy. The refugee voices featured here give us a different picture of the relationship between community development and war, showing us how—quite counter-intuitively—a situation defined by force and coercion can become one that enables agency and empowerment. For Guatemalan refugees, their displacement to Mexico created an unprecedented opportunity to exercise agency. This, in turn, facilitated the development of social, political, and human capital—three foundational ingredients for successful community development.

Recent events in Guatemala – selective repression of indigenous activists, human rights violations, and the acceleration of everyday violence – attest to the truism of an old saying: "The past is still with us; in fact, it isn't even passed." To be sure, the intensity and scale of political violence has been reduced dramatically since the signing of the peace accords that ended one of the most brutal and seemingly intractable wars in the western hemisphere in the twentieth century.

In the early 1990s, Guatemalan massacre survivors mobilized to demand the exhumation and burial of relatives killed during government repression in the 1980s. Using connections -with transnational activist networks, this local movement successfully implicated not only the Guatemalan government but also important international actors such as the World Bank in the atrocities. In contrast to Keck and Sikkink's boomerang model, which proposes that movements go global when domestic channels are blocked, I argue that the shift from local to transnational mobilization leads to substantive changes in a movement'sdiscourse and its interpretation of grievances, strategies, and targets. Further, in contrast to Keck and Sikkink's "short causal chain" linking problems and solutions to justify collective action, the Guatemala case suggests a "long causal chain" whereby successful transnational activism requires extension of causal links from local problems to powerful global actors to create the conditions for convergence of interests among members of a transnational network.

In the early 1990s, Guatemalan massacre survivors mobilized to demand the exhumation & burial of relatives killed during government repression in the 1980s. Using connections with transnational activist networks, this local movement successfully implicated not only the Guatemalan government but also important international actors such as the World Bank in the atrocities. In contrast to Keck & Sikkink's boomerang model, which proposes that movements go global when domestic channels are blocked, I argue that the shift from local to transnational mobilization leads to substantive changes in a movement's discourse & its interpretation of grievances, strategies, & targets. Further, in contrast to Keck & Sikkink's "short causal chain" linking problems & solutions to justify collective action, the Guatemala case suggests a "long causal chain" whereby successful transnational activism requires extension of causal links from local problems to powerful global actors to create the conditions for convergence of interests among members of a transnational network. 1 Appendix, 83 References. Adapted from the source document.

A ZLRev article on Family Law in Zimbabwe. ; Reform is required in many areas of the law in Zimbabwe, particularly so in matters affecting family law and succession. However, the process of amending the law is often slow, particularly where change goes to the very root of the social system. Pending change, therefore there is a need to ensure that the rights of individual as they exist under current law are vigorously enforced and protected. Even if radical amendment of the law is implemented, the problem of enforcement and protection of rights will persist. Methods of enforcement may be written into amending legislation but the addition of criminal penalties to an already dispute fraught intra- family situation is often more a hindrance in attaining a resolution"than a help.

Using an embedded Delphi multiple case study was a non-traditional design to examine three entrepreneurial organizations who intentionally hired and retained people with disabilities. Examining real-world organizations provides opportunities for students to gain exposure to case analysis. As Yin suggests, case study uses multiple methods for data generation as was demonstrated in this study. A multiple case design allowed for the patterns that potentially exist to be examined through comparison between and within the three entrepreneurial organizations. The topics for consideration in using the Delphi technique for data collection embedded in a multiple case study focus on transparency of the researcher, anonymity of the participants, rapport building as a means for participant retention, networking strategies, and timeline issues. The expert panel, as established in using the Delphi technique, was used to provide consensus on the strategies used to hire and retain workers with disabilities in small entrepreneurial organizations.

This article explores the relationship between neoliberalism and democratization in Mexico. For decades the Mexican state maintained the one-party rule of the PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional) through a complex arrangement involving corporatist and clientelist practices. The onset of neoliberalism – including the 1982 peso crisis and the imposition of structural adjustment policies – realigned state policies with the result that the Mexican state transformed from a populist provider for many Mexicans to the instrument of their severe hardships. The state did little to protect people from nation-wide declines in wages and increases in unemployment, while withdrawing a range of subsidies necessary for daily survival. The size, scope and density of the resulting hardships, in turn, united a multi-class coalition that for the first time was able to work together to demand political change. Multiple demands emerged, corresponding to different sectors of society and different hardships, but in the end the demand for democracy became the unifying strategy. A decade after the end of one-party rule in Mexico, we can evaluate how hardships united people to demand change, even as that change has been more procedural than substantive.