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Abstract
This paper is aimed at proposing an analysis of the Russian geopolitical self-perception in the light of a "culturalist" approach. The paper uses Samuel Huntington's "model of civilizations" as an interpretative prism, following a multidisciplinary approach which allows to epistemologically validate certain points of the Huntingtonian thesis, and to reject others. This approach does not invalidate the neo-realist theories of international relations regarding the Russian search for a relative increase of power through the use of material factors. If anything, the culturalist perspective must be placed side by side with the neo-realist one in order to better grasp some intangible elements, in particular the attention paid by Moscow to its (former) imperial dimension, the influence exercised by the autocratic tradition on Russia's international posture, together with the role of geographic space, the ascendency of the Orthodox church, as well as Eurasianist cultural inclinations. Finally, through a critical analysis and a selective review of the academic literature on these issues (as well as of the political texts published by some of the most prominent Russian politicians and intellectuals), the paper aims to demonstrate the self-perceived originality of the Russian model and its difficulty in being placed within the Western political categories.

Since the end of the Cold War, old-fashioned power plays have been back in international relations, as confirmed by recent events and trends. Despite the growth of interdependence among states, borders are not crumbled and international actors continue to pursue their interests through the use of all the necessary means. Paradoxically, the liberal order has strengthened some realist principles and confirmed realism as a practical theory that has not necessarily a state-centric vision and does not deny any progress in international cooperation and change resulting from interdependence. The ability of governments to pursue domestic policies effectively is increasingly influenced by developments in the international system. Moreover, the return of geopolitics and power politics supports the (neo)realist postulate according to which the system tends towards the balance of power between the declining hegemon (U.S.) and the rising powers (China, Russia, India, Japan, Brazil, Germany, etc), given the fact that every rising power is used to seeking to revise the status quo. This article provides an empirical explanation of the (proto)multipolar order in the light of the assumptions of political realism in its neoclassical declination.