Suchergebnisse

AbstractThe author reflects on the year 1989 when she was a newly hired trainee historian at the Institute for the History of the Serbian Labor Movement in Belgrade. The topic she was assigned in the Institute was the relationship of the Serbian Social Democratic Party to the war goals of Serbia 1912–1918. As her reading and writing progressed, by 1991 what the Serbian social democrats wrote about the Balkan Wars of 1912/13 began approaching her own political views. However, their antiwar positions at the beginning of the twentieth century sounded like a real feat compared to the virtually monolithic support for the war of 1991. This is how the author's first research left her with the bitter impression that history, the seeming magistra vitae, had really taught nobody anything given that Serbian society was falling into the same trap as some 70 years before.

AbstractThe author comments on the political and economic options in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic that started at the beginning of 2020. She revisits responses to the crises of the First World War, the Great Crash of 1929, and the Second World War, sorting them into 'pessimistic' and 'optimistic' responses, and outlining their respective consequences.

U članku se vodi polemika s tekstom Dragiše Vasića objavljenom u prethodnom broju Tokova istorije. Analizira se metodologija koju Vasić koristi, izvori na kojima je zasnovao svoje teze, argumentacija koja se koristi, literatura na koju se autor poziva. Posebna pažnja je poklonjenja završnom delu njegovog teksta, koji je ocenjen kao politički pamflet nedostojan naučnog časopisa. ; The article is a polemic with the text by Dragiša Vasić entitled "History and Ethnic Identity in Sarajevo Fog: Examples of Politicizing and Mythologizing the Bosniak Historical Narrative," published in the previous issue of Tokovi istorije. It analyzes the methodology used by Vasić, the sources on which he based his thesis, his argumentation, and his references. Special attention is given to the final part of Vasić's text, which was assessed as a political pamphlet unworthy of a scientific journal.

This article addresses manifestations of Yugoslavism in the pre-1914 period that have been neglected by recent scholarship. Its focus on everyday life reveals that since the mid-1890s there were constant contacts between the major ethnic groups that would constitute Yugoslavia after 1918. These contacts were not initiated by the political elite or by official activities. They were instead the reactions of ordinary residents of Belgrade who "discovered" peoples speaking the same language and having similar problems, "as we do." There were many visits from Slovenia, Croatia, and Bosnia to Belgrade in the period 1890–1914 organized by different associations or individuals. Some of them organized public gatherings in the center of Belgrade that allowed residents to show "their love" to "our compatriots" from the South Slav lands of Austria-Hungary. Some of these events turned into real public demonstrations even before 1903, under the Obrenović dynasty and government, which was not Yugoslav oriented. And under the succeeding Karađorđević dynasty, even its leading Radical politicians favored the Yugoslav idea for a future state, although withholding public support until after the Serbian victory in the First Balkan War in 1912.

Today's pictures of Belgrade are not much different from late-nineteenth-century descriptions: messy streets, uncompleted infrastructure projects, lack of coordinated urban plans and strategies. No doubt all of this shows that the weak Serbian society never raised sufficient funds to invest in a glamorous-looking capital city. The most frequent excuse to justify the poor-looking conditions of the national capital has been found in the nation's struggle to fulfill an uncompleted project for national unification. For more than two centuries, the modern Serbian elite has remained unsatisfied with current national boundaries. This paper will address the question of how those unfulfilled national aspirations can be detected in the urban fabric of Belgrade.

Vingt ans après la fin des conflits qui ont accompagné l'éclatement de la Yougoslavie, cet État commun reste une donnée importante sinon décisive du passé pour définir le présent dans les anciennes républiques fédérées. La Yougoslavie est un « autre » idéal, par rapport auquel il est aisé de construire l'identité des États contemporains qui en sont issus. L'étude de son image telle qu'elle est produite par les systèmes éducatifs des différents États successeurs permet une analyse particulièrement révélatrice, tant ce domaine relève encore aujourd'hui, dans une large mesure, du contrôle étatique. Nous distinguons trois dimensions principales : la façon dont la relation à la Yougoslavie sert à construire l'identité nationale actuelle ; le rôle de cet État dans la construction de la légitimité des États actuels et les usages de l'histoire yougoslave dans l'explication des conflits des années 1990. Enfin, nous présentons un récent projet d'histoire partagée dans lequel une soixantaine d'historiens issus des pays balkaniques offrent une approche multi-perspectiviste et comparative de la période, dans le but de tenter de dépasser les interprétations existantes.