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CHINA: THE RACE TO MARKET -- PÁGINA LEGAL -- CONTENTS -- ABOUT THE AUTHOR -- LIST OF TABLES -- TABLE 1.1 CHINA AS A PERCENTAGE OF WORLD (...) -- TABLE 2.1 SHARES OF TRADITIONAL POWER RESOURCES -- TABLE 2.2 CHINESE PARTICIPATION AND POSITIONS (...) -- TABLE 3.1 GDP GROWTH: CHINA AND SELECTED (...) -- TABLE 3.2 STRUCTURE OF CHINA'S FOREIGN (...) -- TABLE 3.3 CHINA'S INDUSTRIAL STRUCTURE (...) -- TABLE 3.4 WORLD OIL CONSUMPTION BY REGION, (...) -- TABLE 4.1 INDUSTRIAL PERFORMANCE BY TYPE (...) -- TABLE 5.1 CHINA IN SELECTED WORLD RANKINGS -- TABLE 5.2 EMPLOYMENT AND SECTORS' PROPORTION (...) -- TABLE 6.1 US-CHINESE AND EU-CHINESE (...) -- TABLE 7.1 CHINA'S PUBLIC FINANCES -- LIST OF FIGURES -- FIGURE 1.1 ALTERNATIVE CHINA FUTURES -- FIGURE 3.1 OUTPUT OF INDUSTRIAL SECTOR (...) -- FIGURE 4.1 THE CHINESE AND RUSSIAN (...) -- FIGURE 6.1 TWELVE PUBLIC-POLICY LINKAGES (...) -- FIGURE 6.2 EXPECTED IMPACT ON CHINA OF (...) -- FIGURE 7.1 CHINA'S FINANCIAL MARKET OPENING -- FIGURE 7.2 EVOLUTION OF THE STRUCTURE OF (...) -- FIGURE 7.3 PERCENTAGE OF OWNERSHIP IN INDUSTRY (...) -- FIGURE 8.1 ANNUAL INFLOWS OF FDI TO CHINA: (...) -- FIGURE 8.2 EVOLUTION OF ENTRY MODE TO CHINA'S (...) -- FIGURE 8.3 THE CHINA MARKET AND (...) -- FIGURE 8.4 FDI AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF (...) -- ABBREVIATIONS -- PREFACE -- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS -- 1 CHINA'S CURSE: TO LIVE IN EXCITING TIMES -- 2 CHINA AND THE USA: INELUCTABLE PARTNERS (...) -- 3 THE LAND OF THE RISING DRAGON: CHINA'S (...) -- 4 RIDING THE TIGER: CHINA'S ECONOMIC POLICY (...) -- 5 FEELING THE STONES AS YOU CROSS THE (...) -- 6 APPLYING THE DRACULA PRINCIPLE: CHINA (...) -- 7 KEEPING IT IN THE FAMILY: CORPORATE (...) -- 8 GETTING CHINA RIGHT: THE MULTINATIONAL (...) -- 9 CHINA IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY -- INDEX
World Affairs Online
In: Politique étrangère: PE ; revue trimestrielle publiée par l'Institut Français des Relations Internationales, p. 122-138
ISSN: 0032-342X
Methodological debates about the stages of growth and the way in which a country goes through political modernization are long-established and manifold. Globalization and the new international dialectic that it has brought about, between tension that leads to convergence and tension that leads to divergence, have called many of these methods of evaluation into question. Aside from elaborating the most objective criteria possible, the formalization of future possibilities should leave the way open for uncertainty and a subjective approach. Adapted from the source document.
In: The Salisbury review: a quarterly magazine of conservative thought, Volume 33, Issue 2, p. 18-20
ISSN: 0265-4881
In: The Salisbury review: a quarterly magazine of conservative thought, Volume 32, Issue 4, p. 40-42
ISSN: 0265-4881
In: The Salisbury review: a quarterly magazine of conservative thought, Volume 31, Issue 3, p. 8-10
ISSN: 0265-4881
In: The Salisbury review: a quarterly magazine of conservative thought, Volume 31, Issue 4, p. 42-43
ISSN: 0265-4881
In: The Salisbury review: a quarterly magazine of conservative thought, Volume 30, Issue 3, p. 13-15
ISSN: 0265-4881
In: The Salisbury review: a quarterly magazine of conservative thought, Volume 31, Issue 2, p. 43-45
ISSN: 0265-4881
In: The Salisbury review: a quarterly magazine of conservative thought, Volume 29, Issue 3, p. 43-44
ISSN: 0265-4881
In: The Salisbury review: a quarterly magazine of conservative thought, Volume 28, Issue 1, p. 8-11
ISSN: 0265-4881
In: The Salisbury review: a quarterly magazine of conservative thought, Volume 27, Issue 2, p. 41-42
ISSN: 0265-4881
In: The Salisbury review: a quarterly magazine of conservative thought, Volume 24, Issue 3, p. 42-43
ISSN: 0265-4881
In: Études internationales, Volume 14, Issue 4, p. 683-744
ISSN: 1703-7891
The lack of autonomy of Western European states, that is, the limitations which they confront in terms of translating their policy preferences into authoritative actions, cannot be considered solely in terms of idiosyncratic domestic political institutions and cultures, or as the result of greater sensibility and vulnerability to interdependence through the flow of goods, capital and technology. The argument develops around the generalisation that during the period of "détente" from 1965 to 1979, the United States, as the world central bank, inflated the world political economy ; thereafter, the questioning of détente accompanied a United States-led policy of world deflation. European politics, in a variety of intricate ways, followed the rythm set by the United States, with a period of state policy activism in the late 1960s to mid-1970s followed by more sceptical attitudes by public officials, supported by conservative or liberal parties, on the limitations of state action. But while it could be argued that the autonomy of OECD European states was strictly limited in economic policy by the integration of national into European and world markets, it is also demonstratable that the most sensitive of these markets - the world financial markets - are most susceptible to state policy, particularly that of the United States. In turn, the influence exerted on government preferences by world financial markets has grown to such an extent that by 1983, Western European governments are all aligning priorities on what are taken to be market criteria. If fact, they are aligning their priorities on the preferences of the great powers in a period of heightened international tension. Thus, the lack of autonomy of Western European states is of political origin: their subordination through lack of continued regional autonomy in defense and finance. Implicitly, this article suggests a move in Western Europe to a confederal armed force and a European Reserve Bank, as the precondition for a revitalised Atlantic alliance.