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This paper examines the determinants of alignment in bilateral partnerships. While it was impossible to think about international cooperation without referring to the term "alliances" during much of the Cold War period, strategic partnerships have taken a central place in many states' diplomatic toolkits over the past two decades. This paper sheds light on such international alignment decisions by examining the case of China's partnership diplomacy in the period from 1990 to 2014. Theoretically, the analysis draws on scholarly insights about alliance formation and international cooperation to formulate two broad assumptions about partner choice, which are based on interest‐driven and ideology‐based rationales of alignment. Binary regression estimations highlight the importance of economic interests in explaining partnership onset. In contrast to common arguments about alliance formation, partnerships seem to be less driven by shared domestic ideologies. In fact, bilateral partnerships help bridge ideological gaps, enabling the partners' pursuit of economic gains and diplomatic preferences, at least in the case of China.

This paper examines the determinants of alignment in bilateral partnerships. While it was impossible to think about international cooperation without referring to the term "alliances" during much of the Cold War period, strategic partnerships have taken a central place in many states' diplomatic toolkits over the past two decades. This paper sheds light on such international alignment decisions by examining the case of China's partnership diplomacy in the period from 1990 to 2014. Theoretically, the analysis draws on scholarly insights about alliance formation and international cooperation to formulate two broad assumptions about partner choice, which are based on interest-driven and ideology-based rationales of alignment. Binary regression estimations highlight the importance of economic interests in explaining partnership onset. In contrast to common arguments about alliance formation, partnerships seem to be less driven by shared domestic ideologies. In fact, bilateral partnerships help bridge ideological gaps, enabling the partners' pursuit of economic gains and diplomatic preferences, at least in the case of China.

With China's emergence as a global economic and political power, it is commonly assumed that its leadership's influence in international politics has increased considerably. However, systematic studies of China's impact on the foreign policy behavior of other states are rare and generally limited to questions regarding economic capabilities and the use of coercive power. This paper seeks to contribute to the literature on China's global political rise by taking a broader perspective. Drawing on voting data from the UN General Assembly for the last two decades, it explores the plausibility of different explanations for foreign policy similarity: economic, diplomatic and military linkages; domestic institutional similarities; and parallel problem-solving processes. The logistic regression analyses find that high similarity levels correlate with shared regime characteristics and comparable patterns of sociopolitical globalization. The results further indicate that foreign aid and arms trading seem to help buy support in global politics.

International conflicts over natural resources are frequently cited as the most prominent threat to global peace in the decades ahead. However, this subject has not yet been adequately tackled in the academic literature. This paper contributes to filling the gap by, first, proposing a four-class typology of resource conflicts and by, second, testing these conflict types against data on fossil fuels and interstate conflicts derived from two major conflict datasets: the Militarized Interstate Dispute Dataset (1960-2001) and the UCDP/PRIO Armed Conflicts Dataset (1960-2008). The findings, although preliminary, suggest that resource scarcity may play a less prominent role in the aggression of belligerent countries than is often assumed and that the existence of large oil deposits and high resource-rent incomes are better predictors of conflict involvement. ; Internationale Konflikte um natürliche Ressourcen werden als eine wesentliche Bedrohung für den internationalen Frieden in den kommenden Jahrzehnten angesehen. Das Thema wurde in der akademischen Literatur bisher jedoch nur unzulänglich behandelt. Das vorliegende Arbeitspapier trägt zum Schließen dieser Forschungslücke bei, indem erstens die Unterscheidung von vier Ressourcenkonflikttypen vorgeschlagen und zweitens die Existenz der verschiedenen Konflikttypen anhand von Ressourcendaten und zwei Konfliktdatenbanken, den 'Militarized Interstate Disputes'-Daten (1960-2001) und dem 'UCDP/PRIO Armed Conflicts Dataset' (1960-2008), empirisch geprüft werden. Erste Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich die Teilnahme an internationalen Konflikten besser durch umfangreiche Rohstoffvorkommen und die Verfügbarkeit beträchtlicher Einnahmen aus dem Ressourcensektor in den kriegführenden Staaten vorhersagen lässt. Die Bedeutung von Ressourcenarmut ist geringer zu bewerten, als weitläufig angenommen wird.

"Bergbau und Minenwirtschaft stehen in den Hauptförderländern Lateinamerikas erneut für steigende Exportgewinne und höhere Staatseinnahmen. Damit stellt sich aber auch wiederum die Frage, mit welcher Politik der lateinamerikanische Bergbausektor international wettbewerbsfähig gehalten und weiter in den Weltmarkt integriert werden kann, ohne dass dabei die staatliche Kontrolle über die natürlichen Ressourcen des Landes preisgegeben würde. Der Beitrag zeigt, ausgehend von einer aktuellen Bestandsaufnahme des geologischen und wirtschaftlichen Potenzials der Region an Industrierohstoffen, dass die in den 1990er Jahren in Lateinamerika implementierten Minenreformen zwar eine wesentliche Grundlage des aktuellen Aufschwungs bilden, der entscheidende Faktor aber im gestiegenen Importbedarf verschiedener Schwellenländer und der Dynamisierung der Handelsbeziehungen mit der Volksrepublik China liegt." (Autorenreferat)