Suchergebnisse

Experimental and ethnographic research methods are often described as mutually exclusive. This article suggests how they could be combined in the method of "experimental ethnography." Building ethnographic methods into the separate branches of randomized controlled trials could substantially increase the range of conclusions that can be produced by experimental research designs, as well as by ethnographic methods. Experimental designs offer greater internal validity for learning what the effects of a social program are, and ethnographic methods offer greater insight into why the effects were produced. The prospects for such integration depend on the capacity of two different communities within social science to work together for the common goal of discovering truth.

Experimental & ethnographic research methods are often described as mutually exclusive. This article suggests how they could be combined in the method of "experimental ethnography." Building ethnographic methods into the separate branches of randomized controlled trials could substantially increase the range of conclusions that can be produced by experimental research designs, as well as by ethnographic methods. Experimental designs offer greater internal validity for learning what the effects of a social program are, & ethnographic methods offer greater insight into why the effects were produced. The prospects for such integration depend on the capacity of two different commune ties within social science to work together for the common goal of discovering truth. 1 Table, 43 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2004 The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

The social benefits of randomized controlled trials (RCTs) would be enhanced by general recognition of three problems of their interpretation and a redefinition of their mission in relation to program development and evaluation. One problem is that of "forest versus trees," or the sampling relationship between each test of a hypothesis and the conclusions drawn from all such tests taken together. A second problem is interpreting RCTs as testing theory or policy when they cannot achieve a high correlation between the treatments assigned and treatments actually applied in each case. The third problem is what works for whom, or whether identical treatments cause different effects, on average, for different kinds of people, groups, situations, or other units of analysis that were different at the point of random assignment. Confronting these three problems suggests that RCTs should not only seek verdicts about what works but also should seek better inventions of crime prevention programs for further testing.

Abstract
Research Question
Do cases heard in a specialist domestic abuse (SDA) court on days when Independent Domestic Violence Advisors (IDVAs) are present to engage with victims, compared to cases heard on days when no IDVAs are present, result in more convictions, or less frequency or severity of repeat victimisation?

Data
This analysis included all 559 trials in one SDA court from June 2016 to December 2018, including 514 unique victims. IDVAs were present on the starting day of 84% of the trials, leaving 16% (90) cases to start on days when no IDVAs were present.

Methods
The treatment and comparison cases were compared for similarity of 23 characteristics, with only one difference of over 20%. The analysis proceeded as appropriate for a Level 4 (Sherman et al., Preventing crime: What works, what doesn't, what's promising: A report to the United States Congress, National Institute of Justice, 1997) quasi-experimental comparison between the treatment and comparison cases.

Findings
IPA trials in the IDVA treatment group were 12% less likely than those in the comparison group to result in a conviction (RR=0.88, 95% CI 0.74-1.05). Trials in the IDVA treatment group had a 96% higher risk of being followed by a repeat domestic abuse incident in the 18 months after trial than trials in the no-IDVA comparison group (RR = 1.96, 95% CI 1.19–3.23). Treatment group victims experienced a mean harm score for repeat victimisation in the 18 months post-trial eight times higher than the comparison group (80 compared with ten).

Conclusions
The provision of Independent Domestic Violence Advisors in a specialist domestic abuse court was clearly correlated with higher rates of repeat victimisation, as well as higher levels of harm in repeat offences and lower rates of conviction. This correlation could well be causal, but only a randomised controlled trial can rule out that possibility.

Abstract
Research Question
How prevalent are various types of adverse childhood experiences among prolific young robbery offenders in London, with what implications for treatment and desistance of these people from serious offending?

Data
Of the 1249 suspects under 26 years of age who were arrested for robberies in London in 2019, 81 (6.5%) of them had been arrested for four or more robberies, totalling 24% of all robbery arrests of that age group (465 out of 1936). Of those 81 arrestees, 65 of them (80%) percent had used a knife or threatened with a knife to commit their crime. In total, the 81 had criminal histories as suspects in 939 offences covering 34 offence types, most commonly theft from person (201), possession of drugs (164) and violence with injury (89).

Methods
This study gathered extensive life history data for the 81, with a special emphasis on adverse childhood experiences (ACE) including criminal victimisation by parents or other adults. The analysis compares the prevalence of ACE in the most prolific young robbery suspects to prevalence in general population samples.

Findings
The 81 prolific robbery offenders had extremely high prevalence of ACEs: 80% had previously been victims of crime themselves (highest offence categories assault with bodily harm, robbery and domestic violence). Reported to police as missing is 63%, school exclusions 49%, incarceration of a family member 35% and known to social services 91%. The prevalence of 4 or more ACEs among the 81 prolific robbery offenders is two to five times higher than it is in other estimates for London (random sample) or England (children in need).

Conclusions
A substantial proportion of all London arrests for robbery identify young people with disproportionately high levels of adverse childhood experiences. Most of the ACEs are to some extent treatable by cognitive behavioural therapies and related treatments aimed at post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). One possible pathway to promote desistance from high-harm crime in this population may be the development and testing of a police role in helping to ensure that these few most chronic, high-harm arrestees received effective treatment for the consequences of ACEs.