Suchergebnisse

This paper investigates the health effects of the introduction of a near universal paid parental leave (PPL) scheme in Australia, representing a natural social policy experiment. Along with gender equity and workforce engagement, a goal of the scheme (18 weeks leave at the minimum wage rate) was to enhance the health and wellbeing of mothers and babies. Although there is evidence that leave, especially paid leave, can benefit mothers' health post-partum, the potential health benefits of implementing a nationwide scheme have rarely been investigated. The data come from two cross-sectional surveys of mothers (matched on their eligibility for paid parental leave), 2347 mother's surveyed pre-PPL and 3268 post-PPL. We investigated the scheme's health benefits for mothers, and the extent this varied by pre-birth employment conditions and job characteristics. Overall, we observed better mental and physical health among mothers after the introduction of PPL, although the effects were small. Post-PPL mothers on casual (insecure) contracts before birth had significantly better mental health than their pre-PPL counterparts, suggesting that the scheme delivered health benefits to mothers who were relatively disadvantaged. However, mothers on permanent contracts and in managerial or professional occupations also had significantly better mental and physical health in the post-PPL group. These mothers were more likely to combine the Government sponsored leave with additional, paid, employer benefits, enabling a longer paid leave package post-partum. Overall, the study provides evidence that introducing paid maternity leave universally delivers health benefits to mothers. However the modest 18 week PPL provision did little to redress health inequalities. ; The evaluation project was initiated and funded by the Australian Government Department of Social Services (P10014) and was managed by the Institute for Social Science Research (ISSR), The University of Queensland. The findings and views reported in this paper, however, are those of the authors and should not be attributed to either DSS or ISSR. This research was supported by funding from the Australian Research Council to Hewitt, Martin and Strazdins (LP130100148), Strazdins (FT110100686) and Hewitt (FT140100861).

Using two waves of paired data from a population sample of 10- to 13-year-old Australian children (5,711 father–child observations), the authors consider how the hours, schedules, intensity, and flexibility of fathers' jobs are associated with children's views about fathers' work and family time. A third of the children studied considered that their father works too much, one eighth wished that he did not work at all, and one third wanted more time with him or did not enjoy time together. Logistic regression modeling revealed that working on weekends, being time pressured, being unable to vary start and stop times, and working long hours generated negative views in children about fathers' jobs and time together. The time dilemmas generated by fathers' work devotions and demands are salient to and subjectively shared by their children.

AbstractAustralia is a multi-cultural society, with the majority of recent migrants arriving from non-English speaking Asian countries. Yet we know little about how ethnic diversity in the population is reflected in employment participation and within-family time exchange. This paper investigates how nonmarket time and labour market time vary across migrant groups from non-English speaking country backgrounds (NESCB) compared with English-speaking country background migrants and non-Indigenous Australians (ESB&AU). It uses a longitudinal instrumental variable method to deal with biases caused by endogeneity and unobserved heterogeneity. We find that nonmarket time is strongly influenced by family circumstances such as having young children and partner's circumstances (health status and life events including health shocks). The relationship of these factors with nonmarket time varies across our two major groups. For example, the relationship between a partner's life events and partner's health status and the other partner's nonmarket time are significantly greater for NESCB migrant couples than for ESB&AU couples. This connects with our initial theories about the collectivist cultural backgrounds in NESCB couples in maintaining gender roles or different levels of economic security facing NESB migrants that affect how they allocate caregiving and housework time, especially when a partner becomes ill or face a life event. This paper also shows clear evidence of health selection into the labour market, and a strong trade-off between nonmarket and market time in both groups.

AbstractUsing nationally representative data from Household Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia, this paper examines the impact of poor health, family impaired health and family time on the labour market participation of couples aged 25–64. We address sample selection bias and endogeneity bias by employing instrumental variable Tobit models. Our findings indicate that health selection into the labour market occurs not only due to individual's own health but also due to other family members' health, and family time—which is largely determined by various family factors such as a presence of preschool children (childcare) and partner's major life events. We find a significant trade‐off between family unpaid time and labour market participation, which is augmented after correcting for endogeneity of family unpaid time in market time consideration. This supports our argument that health selection should be considered within the family context, in which each member makes decisions conditional not only on their own but also other family members' health and time resources.

Abstract
Purpose
Difficulties managing work and family demands are common and have been found to be associated with stress and poor mental health. However, very few studies have examined Work Family Conflict (WFC) in connection with diagnosable anxiety disorders (and none with Australian representative data). The current study investigated whether high WFC was significantly associated with a diagnosis of Generalised Anxiety Disorder (GAD) after controlling for a broad range of socio-demographic contextual factors, related psychosocial job, family and individual characteristics, and prior anxiety symptom history.

Methods
Data was analysed from an Australian population-based community cohort - the Personality and Total Health (PATH) Through Life project. Eligible participants (N = 1159) were employed full-time or part-time, with data collected by both online questionnaire and face-to-face interview. Presence of Generalised Anxiety Disorder (GAD) in the past 12-months was diagnosed by the GAD module in the Composite International Diagnostic Interview (CIDI) (based on DSM-IV criteria) and severe anxiety symptoms were measured using the Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ) 7-item 'other anxiety' model.

Results
The findings consistently showed that those experiencing high WFC had higher odds of a GAD diagnosis (final adjusted model: CIDI: OR: 2.55, CI: 1.38–4.70) as well as clinical levels of anxiety symptoms (PHQ: OR:2.61, CI:1.44,4.72). This was the case after controlling for an extensive range of covariates.

Conclusions
This is one of the first studies to show that WFC is associated with greater likelihood of GAD. The challenge of juggling both work and family can have far-reaching impacts - not just increasing distress broadly, but also potentially increasing the likelihood of clinically diagnosable anxiety.

Governments are encouraging workers to remain in employment beyond traditional retirement age. A tangible expression of this in Australia is the move to raise the Aged Pension access age from 65 to 67 by 2023. This policy assumes that the majority of workers will be able to extend their working lives. However, even at the age of 65, one-third of older workers have left their jobs involuntarily, with poor health an important reason for exit. Yet the significance of worker health for maintaining or limiting employment is not reflected in current policy architecture. ; This paper is supported by an Australian Research Council Linkage Project LP 130100227, which is led by Barbara Pocock, Carol T Kulik, Sara Charlesworth, and Lyndall Strazdins, in partnership with Equal Opportunity for Women in the Workplace Agency and Women in Super. Lyndall Strazdins and Sara Charlesworth are supported by Australian Research Council Future Fellowships FT110100686 and FT120100346 respectively.

Time can be thought of as a resource that people need for good health. Healthy behaviour, accessing health services, working, resting and caring all require time. Like other resources, time is socially shaped, but its relevance to health and health inequality is yet to be established. Drawing from sociology and political economy, we set out the theoretical basis for two measures of time relevant to contemporary, market-based societies. We measure amount of time spent on care and work (paid and unpaid) and the intensity of time, which refers to rushing, effort and speed. Using data from wave 9 (N = 9177) of the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics of Australia Survey we found that time poverty (> 80 h per week on care and work) and often or always rushing are barriers to physical activity and rushing is associated with poorer self-rated and mental health. Exploring their social patterning, we find that time-poor people have higher incomes and more time control. In contrast, rushing is linked to being a woman, lone parenthood, disability, lack of control and work-family conflicts. We supply a methodology to support quantitative investigations of time, and our findings underline time's dimensionality, social distribution and potential to influence health. ; The research was supported by an Australian Research Council linkage grant LP100100106 in partner-ship with the Department of Social Services (DSS) and Sydney West Area Heath Service (SWAHS). Thefindings and views reported in this article are those of the authors and should not be attributed to DSS,SWAHS and cannot be taken in any way as expressions of government policy or the Melbourne Institute.Lyndall Strazdins is supported by an Australian Research Council Future Fellowship FT110100686.

The advent of the Global Financial Crisis reminds us that modern epidemiological research has consistently demonstrated links between the socio‐economic circumstances of families and children's health and development. Drawing on data from the Longitudinal Study of Australian Children, this article firstly examines the evidence for intergenerational transmission of socio‐economic disadvantage from parents to young children. It then examines parents' jobs as another source of social inequality. Results confirm that children's healthy development is affected by family income, by parents' hours of work and by the quality of parents' jobs. Job combinations that include long work hours of mothers and fathers and poorer quality jobs are associated with elevated rates of parental mental health problems, less time spent in developmentally important activities with children, and socio‐emotional developmental difficulties for children. The evidence suggests that these effects are greater within low income families. These findings highlight the need for social and economic policies to move beyond simplistic notions of promoting parental workforce participation as a way of reducing the adverse effects of social disadvantage. A more nuanced approach is required that considers the additional impacts of the quality and characteristics of jobs, especially for the parents of young children.

AbstractMore people are working into older age, raising questions about how many hours they can work before their health becomes compromised. This paper models work-hour tipping points for mental health and vitality among older Australian workers aged 50–70 years. We use longitudinal data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA) survey, 2005–2016 (about 44,900 observations), and bootstrapping Three Stage Least Squares (3SLS) estimation techniques to adjust for reverse and reciprocal relationships between wages, work hours and health. Our approach corrects for heteroscedasticity in the system equation error terms, and we estimate models on the relatively healthy older adults who have remained employed into older age. Among these older workers we observe weekly thresholds of 39–40 hours beyond which mental health and vitality decline. This average, however, hides variability in work-hour limits linked to overall health and occupation. Thus, weekly tipping points for blue- and pink-collar jobs are 7–9 hours lower compared to white-collar jobs, and even wider gaps (11 hours) are apparent for workers with poorer physical functioning, which becomes common as people age. Our modelling reveals that age is not the biggest limiting factor for how many hours older adults can work, rather their health and the types of jobs are critical, and likely widen the gap in who ages successfully or not.