Suchergebnisse

Since the Clarence Thomas-Anita Hill hearings, there has been a heightened awareness in the U.S. of sexual harassment in the workplace. Recent case law has given men and women more protections against sexual harassment. At the same time, the liability of employers for acts of harassment in the public and private sector has increased. The purpose of this article is to discuss the issue of sexual harassment from a public administrator's viewpoint. Various types of sexual harassment are identified and preventive and remedial measures are provided.

The process of how to amend the U.S. Constitution is the least discussed and least examined aspect of the Constitution. The vagaries surrounding the amendment process were highlighted in 1992 as the Twenty-Seventh Amendment gained momentum and eventual ratification.Compensation of Members of Congress: The Twenty-Seventh AmendmentAs one of the original proposals accompanying the Bill of Rights, and first proposed in 1789, the congressional pay raise amendment was included in order to limit the ability of Congress to change the compensation of its members. It was proposed by James Madison and later passed by both houses of Congress. The amendment stated: "No law, varying the compensation for the services of senators and representatives, shall take effect until an election of representatives shall have intervened." Three state conventions, concerned that members of Congress might arbitrarily grant themselves salary raises, proposed that no salary improvements should occur before the next election of representatives (Livingston 1956).

We compare the relative impacts of political and socioeconomic factors on state restrictiveness toward abortion during the pre‐Roe, pre‐Webster and post‐Webster time frames. This analysis tests the value of cycle theory, where shifting epochs dominated by liberalism and conservatism enhance the role of political variables in shaping policy formation. It also tests the explanatory value of public opinion theory which holds that bimodal issues which cut across party lines accentuate the role of socioeconomic variables in shaping issue evolution. The results of this analysis lend support to cycle theory and public opinion theory, although public opinion theory receives stronger support. When socioeconomic independent variables are regressed against our dichotomous measures of state restrictiveness toward abortion, they explain more variance than political independent variables. Political variables were more important in the conservative era (1989) than in the liberal era (1972).

Racism has been a part of black American heritage for over three centuries. Across the centuries, the systematic discrimination and oppression of blacks has raised barriers to opportunity as well as normality. Racism can take several forms including individual racism, institutional racism and cultural racism. Individual racism is fostered by individuals who categorize blacks as inferior. Even interracial contact under favorable conditions may not reduce this racist outlook. Institutional racism consists of institutions which are conceived as mechanisms to systematically oppress and limit the opportunities of black people. Cultural racism is exhibited by those who would like to homogenize black Americans—making them more white (Jones 1988: 127–31). We expect these forms of racism to have an impact on the political success of black candidates for office.During the late 1960s and early 1970s, efforts were made at the national level in particular to eliminate barriers to equal opportunity for black Americans. Many whites were unwilling to support full racial equality. The turbulent riots in predominantly black ghettos and the formation of black groups, such as the Black Panthers, spawned fear among some white populations.

Data collected from every US state by the American Civil Liberties Union are drawn on to compare the relative impacts of political & socioeconomic factors on state restrictiveness toward abortion during the pre-Rose, pre-Webster, & post-Webster time frames (roughly, 1972-1989). The analysis tests the value of cycle theory, where shifting epochs dominated by liberalism & conservatism enhance the role of political variables in shaping policy formation. The explanatory value of public opinion theory is also evaluated, ie, bimodal issues that cut across party lines accentuate the role of socioeconomic variables in shaping issue evolution. Results support both cycle theory & public opinion theory, although the latter receives stronger support. Political variables, however, were more important in the conservative era (1989) than in the liberal era (1972). 2 Tables, 1 Appendix, 55 References. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractPresidential decree and federal legislation have resulted in substantial employee drug testing at all levels of government as well as among private sector contractors. Joining the War on Drugs, many other employers have taken up the practice voluntarily. However we may feel about the arguments for and against drug testing — whether on the basis of public safety, integrity, access to sensitive information, etc. — the fact remains that drug testing policies are non‐uniform and unevenly applied, and the common testing technologies are unreliable. If we believe as a society that drug testing serves a legitimate public function consistent with our cultural and legal values, then uniform standards and procedures must be developed. If not, we should give greater consideration to alternative measures, such as employee education and assistance.