The future of human-artificial intelligence nexus and its environmental costs
In: Futures, Band 117, S. 102531
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In: Futures, Band 117, S. 102531
In: International politics: a journal of transnational issues and global problems, Band 55, Heft 3-4, S. 503-517
ISSN: 1740-3898
In: Democratization and security in Central and Eastern Europe and the post-Soviet States, S. 55-76
In: Communist and post-communist studies, Band 43, Heft 2, S. 179-187
ISSN: 0967-067X
The present article examines the tumultuous development in the issue of the Third Site (also known as the Third Pillar) of the US Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) that was planned to be hosted by the Czech Republic and Poland. The article analyzes the entire 'life cycle' of the project, from its formal proposal in 2007 by the former U.S. President George W. Bush to its cancellation in 2009 by the current U.S. President Barak Obama. Without any doubts, the Third Site of BMD put Poland and the Czech Republic at the centre of international security politics and as such allows one to see how the two post-communist countries acted and reacted to related international positions, expectations and challenges. A detailed analysis of this issue, nevertheless, does not exhaust aims of this article. Whether brief or detailed, any look at the coverage of the issue reveals that the Czech Republic and Poland have invariably been lumped together through the construction of the imagery of the New Europe as a homogeneous political bloc. It will be argued that such a view is flawed and needs refinement. In order to back the claim, the issue of the Third Site is put into a historical context, revealing that the differences between the Czech and Polish international-security preferences and expectations after the end of the Cold War have been quite stable – including the most recent development after the project has been shelved by the United States, and can thus be conceived of in dialectical terms.
In: Communist and post-communist studies, Band 43, Heft 2, S. 179-187
ISSN: 0967-067X
The present article examines the tumultuous development in the issue of the Third Site (also known as the Third Pillar) of the US Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) that was planned to be hosted by the Czech Republic and Poland. The article analyzes the entire 'life cycle' of the project, from its formal proposal in 2007 by the former U.S. President George W. Bush to its cancellation in 2009 by the current U.S. President Barak Obama. Without any doubts, the Third Site of BMD put Poland and the Czech Republic at the centre of international-security politics and as such allows one to see how the two post-communist countries acted and reacted to related international positions, expectations and challenges. A detailed analysis of this issue, nevertheless, does not exhaust aims of this article. Whether brief or detailed, any look at the coverage of the issue reveals that the Czech Republic and Poland have invariably been lumped together through the construction of the imagery of the New Europe as a homogeneous political bloc. It will be argued that such a view is flawed and needs refinement. In order to back the claim, the issue of the Third Site is put into a historical context, revealing that the differences between the Czech and Polish international-security preferences and expectations after the end of the Cold War have been quite stable - including the most recent development after the project has been shelved by the United States, and can thus be conceived of in dialectical terms. [Copyright The Regents of the University of California; published by Elsevier Ltd.]
In: International issues & Slovak foreign policy affairs, Heft 4, S. 19-30
ISSN: 1337-5482
The article starts with the assessment of Central European 'regionalism'. First of all, the author argues that common regional wisdom has a strong geopolitical background that has also essentially informed Alanticist views of the Central European foreign and security policies. Secondly, the author examines Alanticist perspectives more in detail to identify different shapes and dynamics of this idea. Finally, the article attempts at putting forward an idea that geopolitical discourses heavily burden the Central European states' security identities and clearly complicate and limit strategic moves that would reflect the characteristics of the coming times. The authors concludes that instead of identifying geopolitically-informed threats and an unrealistic searching for ways through which the leading world superpower would provide some extra-guarantees, the countries should with a greater stress identify themselves as firm parts of European projects. Adapted from the source document.
In: Social epistemology: a journal of knowledge, culture and policy, S. 1-17
ISSN: 1464-5297
In: International politics: a journal of transnational issues and global problems, Band 55, Heft 3-4, S. 349-351
ISSN: 1740-3898
In: European security, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 263-285
ISSN: 1746-1545