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We want to demonstrate that Apollonia of Cyrenaica was neither an independent foundation, nor a real sub-colony, rather a maritime stopover: "the harbor of Cyrene", where port and military installations were located; inhabited between the Archaic and Hellenistic periods by merchants and artisans, garrisons and seafaring staff. Following its civic development is of great interest: frequented by members of the Alexandrian court, it became an autonomous polis with its own institutions at the moment of the passage under the Roman domination, then it rises to capital of the Libya superior in the mid-fourth century A.D., and as such became also an object of imperial munificence. Despite moments of disagreement, it will never completely lose its privileged connection with Cyrene. ; Si vuole dimostrare che Apollonia di Cirenaica non fu né una fondazione indipendente, né una vera e propria subcolonia, piuttosto uno scalo marittimo: "il porto di Cirene", dove trovavano sede installazioni portuali e militari; abitata fra l'età arcaica e quella ellenistica da mercanti e artigiani, guarnigioni e personale marittimo. Seguire il suo sviluppo civico è di estremo interesse: frequentata dai membri della corte alessandrina, diviene polis autonoma con proprie istituzioni col passaggio alla dominazione romana, poi capitale della Libya superior a metà del IV sec. d.C., e in quanto tale oggetto della munificenza imperiale. Nonostante momenti di dissidio non perderà mai del tutto il legame privilegiato con Cirene.

On the leg of one of the colossal statues on the facade of the great funerary temple of Ramesses II at Abu Simbel, in Nubia, Archon son of Amoibichos and Peleqos son of Eudamos, two mercenaries of Greek-Carian origin who militated in the ranks of the Egyptian Army, engrave a five lines inscription in which they recall the salient data of the expedition against the Nubian populations launched by the pharaoh of the XXVI dynasty Psammethicus II between 593 and 592 BC. The different origins of the people who left their mark in this and in the other graffiti on the Abu Simbel temple, explained by the palaeographic and dialectal peculiarities of the texts, confirm what we can learn from other sources, above all Herodotus, on the opening of the Saitic Egypt to external presences, also organised in stable settlements. The reasons for such a reception were certainly of an economic nature, but it is undeniable that for the Egyptians a considerable advantage came also from the possibility of exploiting the new military potentials of the Greek hoplite tactics, contributing to the spread of a mercenary service that encouraged different degrees of ethnic and social integration.