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THE PROPORTION OF WOMEN MPS ELECTED IN THE 1997 BRITISH GENERAL ELECTION REACHED AN HISTORIC HIGH OF 18.2 PER CENT. THE LARGE INCREASE WAS PARTLY DUE TO THE POLICY OF ESTABLISHING WOMEN-ONLY SHORTLISTS FOR WINNABLE SEATS. THIS PAPER EXAMINES THE DISTRIBUTION OF WOMEN CANDIDATES AND ANALYZES THE FACTORS THAT AFFECTED THE VOTES THEY ATTRACTED.

THE TERRITORIAL INTERPRETATION OF A NORTH-SOUTH POLITICAL DIVIDE IN GREAT BRITAIN IS TESTED USING DATA COLLECTED AT THE 1979, 1983, AND 1987 GENERAL ELECTIONS. USING MULTIVARIATE ANALYSIS, THE AUTHORS ESTIMATE HOW MUCH OF THE REGIONAL VARIANCE IN VOTING CAN BE EXPLAINED BY SOCIAL COMPOSITION, POLITICAL ATTITUDES, ATTITUDES TOWARD PARTY LEADERS, CONSTITUENCY EFFECTS, AND LOCAL ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CULTURE. THE RESULTS INDICATE THAT TERRITORIAL EFFECTS ARE SMALL ONCE THE STATEWIDE EFFECTS OF OTHER VARIABLES ARE TAKEN INTO ACCOUNT. THE BULK OF REGIONAL VOTING CAN BE ATTRIBUTED TO SOCIAL COMPOSITIONAL EFFECTS; THERE IS ONLY LIMITED EVIDENCE FOR A TERRITORIAL EFFECT, AND THEN ONLY VIA LOCAL POLITICAL CULTURE.

It has often been argued theoretically that a 'critical mass', ranging from 10 to 35 per cent women, is needed before major changes in legislative institutions, behaviour, policy priorities and policy voting occurs. This paper examines one of the less-explored dimensions of the critical mass concept: Is there a process by which women reaching a critical mass of the legislature accelerates the election of further women? Using data from the Inter-Parliamentary Union and International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, we analyse this question for 20 industrialized democracies over a period of half a century, longer than any other relevant research. Descriptive results indicate that gains in women's representation have been incremental rather than a critical mass accelerating the election of women to legislatures. In a multivariate analysis of the percentage of women in the lower house of the legislature, the critical mass is tested against established explanations of women's gains in seats: institutional rules, egalitarian political culture, political parties and economic development. Of two measures of the critical mass theory, one has no impact and the second results in only a small increase in women's gains. Far from being clearly demonstrated, critical mass theories need empirical testing. (European Journal of Political Research / FUB)

Data from three pooled surveys conducted in Australia, 1990-1996 (total N = 6,722 respondents), are drawn on to explore the sources of member commitment in environmental groups. Results distinguish between committed & ordinary members of such groups. Committed members have stronger postmaterialist & secular values than ordinary members & are more likely to come from professional occupations. Perhaps most significant, committed members are motivated by a strong sense of the urgency of "green" (global) vs "brown" (local) environmental concerns. Results point to a shift in the bases of environmental commitment, away from social location to "green" environmental issues. Although issues are, in principle, an insecure basis for political mobilization, the inability of national governments to solve global problems suggests that green rather than brown concerns will provide a continuing basis from which environments recruit & mobilize. 4 Tables, 2 Figures, 39 References. Adapted from the source document.

Tests 2 models to account for privatisation policy. One argues that it was a policy demanded and initiated by voters, the other argues that it stemmed from the government and that little popular demand existed for it. Evidence confirms the elite interests model. (Abstract amended)

Much of the key to the future of the British party system rests in the nature of the support for the Liberal-Social Democratic Alliance. If that support is a protest vote, the possibility of realignment within the party system is negligible; if it is socially and attitudinally distinct, then the potential for a fundamental realignment is clearly present. By applying multivariate analysis to survey data, examines the social and attitudinal bases of support for the Alliance in the 1983 British general election. (AM)

USING DATA FROM THE BRITISH ELECTION STUDIES OF 1974 AND 1979, PATTERNS OF NONVOTING AMONG THE BRITISH PUBLIC ARE EXPLORED. NONVOTERS ARE MUCH LIKE VOTES IN SPECIFIC ISSUE OPINIONS AND IN SOCIAL CLASS. THEY DO NOT HAVE A STRONG IDEOLOGY OR A MARKEDLY DIFFERENT ATTIUDINAL STRUCTURE THAN THEIR FELLOW CITIZENS. IMPLICATIONS OF THIS FOR BRITISH DEMOCRACY ARE DISCUSSED.