Suchergebnisse

ISLAM NUSANTARA: Journal for Study of History and Culture dimaksudkan sebagai wadah untuk membangun pengetahuan atau keilmuan tentang Islam Nusantara. Sejak diangkat menjadi tema Muktamar Nahdlatul Ulama XXXIII tahun 2015 di Jombang, Jawa Timur kata majemuk Islam Nusantara memang memperoleh gaung dan perhatian publik yang besar bahkan pada level dunia. Namun hal itu sebagian diperdebatkan pada dataran artifisial dan bahkan politis sehingga belum muncul adanya argumentasi historis dan epistemologis yang memadai dan kuat. Ada sejumlah institusi yang telah mendorong dan membahas tentang ini cukup serius seperti dua kali seminar internasional PCI NU Belanda dan juga beberapa penerbitan termasuk jurnal di beberapa perguruan tinggi. Fakultas Islam Nusantara Universitas Nahdlatul Ulama Indonesia melalui jurnal ini hendak melengkapi ikhtiar tersebut dalam rangka memperkuat bangunan argumentasi Islam Nusantara sebagai kajian ilmiah. Islam Nusantara tidak dimaksudkan untuk membangun tembok identitas melainkan sebaliknya untuk mencairkannya namun dengan argumentasi keagamaan kultural historis dan epistemologis yang memadai. Edisi perdana jurnal ini dipakai sebagai momentum mengawali pencarian landasan keilmuan tersebut secara berkelanjutan.

Di luar tumbuhnya berbagai gerakan Islam radikal dan fundamentalis paska tumbangnya Orde Baru, muncul pula gerakan Muslim progresif. Sebuah gerakan yang mengusung berbagai isu substansial untuk demokrasasi seperti pluralisme dan toleransi, hak-hak perempuan dalam Islam dan keadilan, atau hak-hak asasi manusia pada umumnya. Sebagian mereka tumbuh berkat keterbukaan politik di era reformasi, tetapi sebagian lainnya merupakan penjelmaan dari gerakan underground di era orde baru yang mengusung demokratisasi dengan titik masuk Islam. Kini mereka trerbangun jaringan kerja baik dalam level isu untuk mempertajam dan menggugat konsep-konsep konvesional tentang Islam mengiringi perubahan sosial politik, maupun dalam prkatik politik itu sendiri untuk menjaga sustainabilitas demokrasi. Bagaimanakah jaringan itu terbangun, bagaimana cara kerja mereka, isu apa saja yang mereka usung dan apa kelebihan dan kekuranagnnya, serta bagaimana prospek gerakan ini? Itulah beberapa masalah pokok yang hendak disajikan dalam presentasi ini

This article describes the relationship between political entities of the Bangsamoro or Muslims in Mindanao and of the Philippine government which may be said in a nadir since the cancellation of the MoA-AD (Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain) signing plans between MILF (Mindanao Islamic Liberation Front) and the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) by the Supreme Court of the country in October 2008. Now their relationship is only bound by the temporary cease-fire. While the actual MILF is the only one course of representation of Muslims in Mindanao in addition to the MNLF (Mindanao National Liberation Front) and Kelompok Datu or traditional leaders. This research deduces that the plurality in the Bangsamoro itself becomes an obstacle in the peace talk process as the absence of a common platform among them. While GRP tends to speak with the faction of it separately, so it was impressed monolithic, there should be efforts to build a joint platform among different groups within the Bangsamoro. Furthermore, the GRP should facilitate the communication and the dialogue among factions within Bangsamoro. Besides, the GRP should convince people in Philippines of how important the peace with Bangsamoro is on behalf of a national interest in a whole. ; Artikel ini menggambarkan hubungan antara entitas-entitas politik Bangsamoro atau Muslim di Mindanau dan entitas-entitas politik pemerintahan Pilipina yang bisa dikatakan berada di titik nadir sebab pembatalan rencana penandatanganan MoA-AD (Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain) antara MILF (Mindanao Islamic Liberation Front) and the GRP (Government of the Republic of the Philippines) oleh Hakim Agung Pilipina pada bulan Oktober 2008. Sekarang, hubungan mereka hanya terikat oleh gencatan senjata yang bersifat temporal. Sementara itu, MILF yang sebenarnya adalah program satu-satunya representasi Islam di Mindanao selain MNLF (Front Pembebasan Nasional Mindanao) dan Kelompok Datu atau pemimpin tradisional. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa pluralitas dalam Bangsamoro itu sendiri menjadi kendala dalam proses pembicaraan perdamaian karena tidak adanya platform yang sama di antara mereka. Sementara itu, GRP cenderung berbicara dengan faksi GRP secara terpisah, sehingga terkesan monolitik. Harus ada upaya untukmembangun platform bersama antara kelompok-kelompok yang berbeda dalam Bangsamoro tersebut. Selanjutnya, GRP harus memfasilitasi komunikasi dan dialog antara faksi-faksi dalam Bangsamoro. Selain itu, GRP harus meyakinkan orang-orang di Filipina betapa pentingnya perdamaian dengan Bangsamoro adalah atas nama kepentingan nasional secara keseluruhan. KEYWORDS: Bangsamoro, minority, hegemony, peace

Globalization has encouraged the emergence of a challenge to respect minority rights are stronger in almost all countries are plural. The appearance was not only urged the governments in many countries to change their vision of nationalism, it even challenged the great narratives such as Islam, democracy and human rights to change the doctrine of justice that are not conventional. For that Islam, democracy and human rights alike are facing a change that can no longer be seen with the measures and standardization of the old uniform. This paper raised the challenge of empirical findings in Southeast Asia by taking samples of Malaysia, Thailand, and Philippines.

The changes that occurred in the Jakarta 2012 election may be seen as a change in Indonesia's social movements and election tradition. They marked a social movement with special characteristics; specifically, a 'partisan' movement, led by the successful Jokowi-Ahok ticket. The partisan social movement also changed the tradition of money politics, which has always coloured general and local elections in Indonesia. This paper found four main factors in Jokowi-Ahok's victory. The first was their reputations and track records of leadership and consistency, which, secondly, encouraged unpaid volunteers to motivate the public to participate in the election and vote for the pair. Thirdly, in contrast to previous social movements in Indonesia, the volunteers did not just work to overthrow the current leadership and replace it, and then distance themselves, but instead continued to monitor the candidates; some managed government directly, while others took watch dog position. Fourthly, the relationship between volunteers and local government was not necessarily oppositional. As such, they were partisan not only in that they were supporters of a pair of candidates, but also in their promotion and support of openness, anti-corruption efforts and provision of maximum public services. (JCSA/GIGA)

The changes that occurred in the Jakarta 2012 election may be seen as a change in Indonesia's social movements and election tradition. They marked a social movement with special characteristics; specifically, a 'partisan' movement, led by the successful Jokowi-Ahok ticket. The partisan social movement also changed the tradition of money politics, which has always coloured general and local elections in Indonesia. This paper found four main factors in Jokowi-Ahok's victory. The first was their reputations and track records of leadership and consistency, which, secondly, encouraged unpaid volunteers to motivate the public to participate in the election and vote for the pair. Thirdly, in contrast to previous social movements in Indonesia, the volunteers did not just work to overthrow the current leadership and replace it, and then distance themselves, but instead continued to monitor the candidates; some managed government directly, while others took watch dog position. Fourthly, the relationship between volunteers and local government was not necessarily oppositional. As such, they were partisan not only in that they were supporters of a pair of candidates, but also in their promotion and support of openness, anti-corruption efforts and provision of maximum public services. Adapted from the source document.

The Malaysian general election in March 2008 raised an interesting and new phenomenon. For the first time since independence in 1957, the ruling alliance known as the National Front (Barisan Nasional, BN) failed to secure two thirds of seats in parliament and lost control of five of Malaysia's 13 states. This was due to the challenge presented by the new opposition alliance known as the Alternative Front (Barisan Alternatif, BA) or the People's Alliance (Pakatan Rakyat, PK) which won more than 36% of seats in parliament and gained control of the five states. In the 2004 election, BN secured the largest ever percentage of seats in parliament with 91%. What is interesting is that it seems that this significant increase in support for the opposition is due to their offer to change the way minorities and ethnicity is managed. They propose a move from "Bumiputera Supremacy", or affirmative action for the approximately 65% of "Bumiputera" Malaysians (the rest being largely of Chinese or Indian ethnicity), to "The People's Supremacy", which involves eradicating affirmative action based on ethnicity, basing it instead on need, for instance need due to poverty. This would potentially increase the likelihood of justice and equality for all ethnic or racial groups. This paper connects the phenomenon of change, as seen in the about turn in the results between the 2004 and 2008 elections, to the more global trend in which minorities are standing up to demand their rights in this era of globalization, and to the challenge multiculturalism presents to parts of the Muslim world such as Malaysia. Malaysia, a Muslim majority nation that has formally declared Islam the official state religion with Yang di-Pertuan Agong (the King) as Head of the State and symbol of Islam, is one example, though not necessarily representative, of how Islam and Muslims manage minorities and identity or multiculturalism within the process of globalization.

Nusantara is known as the world's main supplier of spices since classical times. Various spices such as pepper, nutmeg and cloves are excellent in the international market. Studies on Indonesian spices, as conducted by Wellan, OW Wolters, J.C. Van Leur, Chalwani Michrob to Fahmi Irfani show a map of the important pepper trade in Sumatra and Java. It should be noted that the spice trade network is also related to the spiritual contact between Islam and Hindu-Buddhist teachings or local beliefs. This can be seen traces in Palembang, Banten and Demak. By using the historical method armed with a socio-economic approach, a number of historical explanations can be found. The author uses an explanation model by looking at the function of the port on the coast, its relation to trade routes in the interior. The purpose of writing this article is to present a new studyfor the historical discourse of Islam Nusantara. As is well known, seas, lakes, rivers and various watery inlets, both dynamic and static, are not a barrier to human interaction in the archipelago. In addition to the commercial aspect, which has been widely reviewed by a number of previous researchers, there is other information that has not been discussed, namely the existence of a spiritual-intellectual network that is connected between onearea and another. The author finds a number of interesting facts, such as the emergence of the discourse of Islamic cosmopolitanism which is the result of a dialogue between immigrant and coastal communities. For example, in the case of the establishment of the Palembang Sultanate, Ki Gede ing Suro, a political figure from Demak, built a mosque near the Kutogawang Palace as a locus of Islamic education for the local population. There are findings in the form of the distribution of Ilmu Kebal (similar to Ilmu Pancasona) which was inherited by Arya Penangsang from Jipang Panolan, Central Java, to his descendants who are believed to still exist in the Mount Batu, Komering. This cross-island relationship isan important finding that confirms that in the XV-XVI centuries, cross-island intellectual spiritual contacts have been found in the archipelago. This article is the result of research on cities and intellectual networks in Palembang, Banten and Palembang funded by the Ministry of Religion of the Republic of Indonesia.