Suchergebnisse

Intro -- CONTENTS -- ABSTRACT -- ZUSAMMENFASSUNG -- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS -- LIST OF ACRONYMS -- 1 INTRODUCTION -- 1.1 SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF URBAN FORESTS IN DELHI -- 1.2 AN INTRODUCTION TO THE DELHI RIDGE -- 1.3 OUTLINE OF THE BOOK -- 2 STATE OF THE ART: LOCATING THE STUDY IN THE FIELD OF POLITICAL ECOLOGY -- 2.1 POLITICAL ECOLOGY: THE PROBLEM OF DEFINITION -- 2.2 URBAN POLITICAL ECOLOGY -- 2.3 CENTRAL ELEMENTS OF POLITICAL ECOLOGY AND URBAN POLITICAL ECOLOGY -- 2.4 POST-STRUCTURALIST URBAN POLITICAL ECOLOGY IN THE GLOBAL SOUTH -- 3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS, METHODOLOGY AND METHODS -- 3.1 RESEARCH QUESTIONS -- 3.2 RESEARCH DESIGN -- 3.3 ENTERING THE FIELD AND FRAMING THE STDY -- 3.4 METHODS OF DATA ELICITATION -- 3.5 CHALLENGES AND LIMITATIONS -- 3.6 DATA RELIABILITY AND RESEARCHER POSITIONALITY -- 4 A HISTORY OF DEFORESTATION, AFFORESTATION AND PROTECTION -- 4.1 BRIEF OVERVIEW OF DEFORESTATION AND AFFORESTATION PRE-COLONIAL AND COLONIAL PERIODS -- 4.2 LEGAL STATUS OF THE RIDGE: A READING OF NOTIFICATIONS (1913-2006) -- 4.3 CONCLUSION -- 5 THE STATE AS MULTIPLE ACTORS -- 5.1 INTRODUCTION: THE STATE IN ENVIRONMENTAL POLITICS -- 5.2 THE DELHI DEVELOPMENT AUTHORITY -- 5.3 THE FOREST DEPARTMENT -- 5.4 THE SUPREME COURT OF INDIA -- 5.5 CONCLUSION -- 6 CONSERVATION OF THE RIDGE ENTERS PUBLIC DISCOURSE -- 6.1 KALPAVRIKSH AND SRISHTI -- 6.2 FORMATION OF THE JOINT NGO FORUM FOR THE RIDGE -- 6.3 LEGACY OF ENVIRONMENTAL ACTIVISM 1979-1995 -- 7 THE THREE CONSERVATION AND RESTORATION PROJECTS IN THE RIDGE -- 7.1 THE MAHIPALPUR RIDGE: OF MINES, MALLS AND BIODIVERSITY PARKS -- 7.2 SANJAY VAN: CITIZEN RESTORATION PROJECT -- 7.3 THE ASOLA BHATTI WILDLIFE SANCTUARY -- 7.4 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION -- 8 UNEQUAL POLITICS: FORMATION AND USE OF CONSERVATION SPACES -- 8.1 COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF ENVIRONMENTALISM AROUND THE RIDGE.

This is a comprehensive account of the post-independence history and politics of Gujarat, using a macro, long-term perspective. It examines the co-existence of economic liberalism and political illiberalism in the state and analyses its relevance to India's growth story.

The objective of the study is to examine the impact of institutional changes in the financial sector on the long-run behaviour of broad money velocity in India. For this purpose, annual time series data from 1970–1971 to 2019–2020 has been used. To avoid the problem of multicollinearity, three institutional factors (urbanisation ratio, ratio of total deposits to currency and DCPS) have been combined to form an institutional factor index using PCA. The unit root results indicate that variables are a mix of I(0) & I(1), therefore, ARDL-ECM methodology is applied. Results indicate that money velocity exhibits a structural break in 2008, conforming to the global economic crises. To examine the impact of institutional factors a benchmark model (BM) containing per capita GDP and rate of interest has been estimated along with an institutional factors model (IFM) which also contains institutional factors index. The results show that there is no co-integration in BM, whereas co-integration was established in IFM. The error-correction term and institutional factors index were highly significant for IFM, confirming the long-run relationship. The explanatory power (adjusted R2) for IFM was considerably higher than BM, indicating that the addition of institutional variables significantly improves the money velocity model for India. JEL Codes: C32, E41, E52

Gujarat is Indian PM Modi's home State and training ground. Modi's 'Gujarat Model' is projected as growth and development oriented. I show the actual Gujarat model as top-down, favouring big business, and undergirded by violently practiced Hindu nationalism. The cult of the strongman leader-- directly attuned to his people, and above the corruption of politics as usual-- rounds off the authoritarian populist playbook. While the antecedents of this playbook are found in recent history, natural and political crises entrenched the Gujarat model under Modi. The leader and his New Gujarat have since been popularised across scale. The paper traces aggressively promoted business, and violently repressed dissent, in a sub- sub-national district. Then in the village hinterland, I engage those who witness and occasionally participate in the politics and economics of the Gujarat model. Yet here, capitalist development built on 1 precarious labour and jobless growth, as also the much-feted Hindu nation that is riven by contradictions of caste, class, region and gender, reveal deep fissures. Despite such cracks, deepening state authoritarianism, and the populist connect with a larger than life leader endure—for now-- in the absence of political alternatives.

India's largest SEZ – an Amoebal Zone – has constantly changed shape, name, and purpose. The material, regulatory, cartographic, and classificatory flexibility of 'unfixed land' underlies these contortions. The multiplicity of land also informs political adversariality towards the Zone. Over 2.5 decades, a heterogeneous group of farmers, fishworkers, pastoralists, and local to global NGOs have contested the takeover of lands along registers of access, use, property, environmental sustainability, and more. This multiplicity is somewhat ordered through the coercions, mediations, and compromises of everyday and Party politics. Politics temporarily and imperfectly settles the making, distribution and use of unfixed land.

ABSTRACTLand is unfixed. Qualitative research in India shows humans physically reconfiguring, legally redefining, politically relabelling and discursively re‐imagining land in growth‐ and investment‐led policies. The state is a key actor in the material and conceptual unfixing of land, and its re‐fixing to emerging developmental imaginations. But land is not just a territorial container for the implementation of policy. Rather, it routinely stretches the boundaries of state authority. In the fieldwork on which this article is based, unfixed, multi‐dimensional land emerges as contested access, social and political territory making, possession that goes beyond the legality of property, and more. As unfixed land extends beyond the boundaries and authority of the state, the state too is stretched in projects of land's unfixing and re‐fixing. This state is revealed as porous, and with a criss‐crossing of social relationships that draw out its institutional bounds into a world of moonlighting officials, revolving doors, and shadowy actors and transactions over unfixed land. The result of this co‐productive interaction is the unfixed state of unfixed land.

Land is unfixed. Qualitative research in India shows humans physically reconfiguring, legally redefining, politically re-labeling and discursively reimagining land in growth and investmentled policies. The state is a key actor in the material and conceptual unfixing of land, and its refixing to emerging developmental imaginations. But land is not just a territorial container for the implementation of policy. Instead, it routinely stretches the boundaries of state authority. In my field sites, unfixed, multi-dimensional land emerges as contested access, social and political territory-making, possession that goes beyond the legality of property, and more. As unfixed land extends past the boundaries and authority of the state, the state too is stretched in projects of land's unfixing and re-fixing. This state is revealed as porous, and with a crisscrossing of social relationships that draw out its institutional bounds into a world of moonlighting officials, revolving doors, and shadowy actors and transactions over unfixed land. The result of this co-productive interaction is the unfixed state of unfixed land.

As states concentrate their developmental capacities in space, the sub-national scale has emerged as a focal point of policy-making in India. The rescaled spatiality of the state is being inscribed on land. Land is the primary resource available to sub-national states to attract private investment in post-reform contexts. Yet, the promulgation of innovative policies is only the start of the space-state relationship. This paper follows rescaled state policy through to its reception and appropriation by business, community and family networks that operate in the real estate industry, which is a major land user. Dynamic multi-dimensional spatial relations involving scales and networks do not engage with a staid, centralised, formal state. Instead, real estate firms work with a state that is itself networked, and that straddles formality and informality, as well as shadows. India's land economy is animated in this teeming space of state, scale and networks.