The article examines the India-Pakistani nuclear arms race and its effect to the regional security in South Asia today as a Cold War's legacy. By using regional security complex theory and qualitative method, this article argues that the balance of power and security dilemma principles also work in the region level due to the fact that both countries use nuclear weapons as a deterrence power, a similar pattern that also occurred during the Cold War era. External power such as US, China and Russia are actually aggravating the situation by selling the nuclear material (such as uranium) and technology to both countries regardless the future consequence. However, since multipolar system gives level of threat into more complex and broader sectors of security issues-not to mention the existence of non state actors such as terrorist groups, the regional security in South Asia is essential to prevent further damage to the nearby region. Therefore, the role of international community such as the UN to restore order in the regions is vital.
The WTO is a formally structured organization whose rules are legally binding on its member states. The organization provides a framework for international trade law. Indonesia has been part of WTO membership since 1995. However, the agreement does not always compatible with domestic economic policy particularly on agricultural sector. This article aims to understand the possibility of Indonesia's economic development particularly on agriculture follow WTO's policy track into greater prosperity. By using qualitative method, this article concluded that in a broad economic securitization, agricultural products actually have been neglected by securitizing actors (Indonesian government) to fulfill their basic needs in balancing the inequalities between rich and poor. Furthermore, Indonesia's traditionalist economic method is incompatible with neoliberalist's economic principle due to social and demographic diversity. ; WTO adalah organisasi berstruktur formal yang peraturannya mengikat secara hukum bagi negara anggotanya. Organisasi ini menyediakan kerangka hukum perdagangan internasional. Indonesia telah menjadi bagian dari keanggotaan WTO sejak 1995. Namun, kesepakatan tersebut tidak selalu sesuai dengan kebijakan ekonomi domestik khususnya sektor pertanian. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk memahami kemungkinan perkembangan ekonomi Indonesia terutama pada pertanian mengacu pada jejak kebijakan pencapaian kemakmuran WTO. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif, artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa dalam sekuritisasi ekonomi yang luas, produk pertanian sebenarnya telah terbengkalai oleh pelaku sekuritisasi (pemerintah Indonesia) untuk memenuhi kebutuhan dasar mereka dalam menyeimbangkan ketidaksetaraan antara orang kaya dan orang miskin. Lebih jauh lagi, metode ekonomi tradisionalis Indonesia tidak sesuai dengan prinsip ekonomi neoliberal karena keragaman sosial dan demografis.
ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) as a regional cooperation association has a significant roles on harmonizing the counter terrorism effort in the Southeast Asia region. Based on primary and secondary data by using qualitative method, the purpose of this paper is to examine the harmonization of counter terrorism cooperation between ASEAN members. The research found that ASEAN has a set of counter terrorism policies that had been ratified in different times as a form of regional policies harmonization. However in terms of strategic-operational level, the ASEAN's member states has the authority to tackle terrorism issue on their own with the possibility to establish a cooperation with a non ASEAN member state. In addition, the US also has a significant role in assisting counter terrorism effort for ASEAN's states members.
Pada Desember 2004, sebuah tsunami menerjang Aceh, Nias, dan sebagian Sumatera Utara pasca terjadinya gempa berkekuatan 9.0 SR, memberikan dampak yang melampaui kapasitas pemerintah Indonesia untuk menanggulanginya sehingga Indonesia harus membuka dirinya terhadap bantuan kemanusiaan internasional. Tetapi, ketiadaan peraturan perundangan yang mengatur segala hal mengenai kebencanaan dan penerimaan bantuan internasional di Indonesia semakin memperkeruh keadaan. Dengan adanya Resolusi Majelis Umum PBB No. 46/182 Tahun 1991 sebagai salah satu wujud rezim internasional, pada tahun 2004 Indonesia dapat menerima bantuan kemanusiaan internasional dengan baik. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menelaah perkembangan peraturan perundangan kebencanaan di Indonesia yang terjadi pasca gempa dan tsunami yang menyerang Aceh pada tahun 2004, menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data berbasis dokumen dan internet serta mewawancarai beberapa ahli. Penemuan menunjukkan adanya perkembangan peraturan perundangan kebencanaan Indonesia yang sejalan dengan hal-hal yang termuat dalam Resolusi Majelis Umum PBB No. 46/182 Tahun 1991, sebagai salah satu wujud partisipasi aktif Indonesia sebagai aktor di dunia internasional. Walau demikian, masih ada beberapa hal yang harus terus dikembangkan Indonesia untuk mencapai hasil yang optimal dalam menanggulangi bencana alam di wilayahnya.Kata-Kata Kunci: Bantuan Kemanusiaan Internasional, Gempa dan Tsunami Aceh 2004, Peraturan Perundangan Kebencanaan Indonesia, Rezim InternasionalIn December 2004, a tsunami struck Aceh, Nias, and part of North Sumatra following the 9.0 SR magnitude earthquake, of which its impact overwhelmed the Indonesian government's capability and required Indonesia to open itself for international humanitarian assistance. However, the absence of Indonesian disaster regulations and the lack of acceptance for international assistance had worsened the situation. With the UNGA Resolution No. 46/182 of 1991 as a manifestation of the international regime, Indonesia could finally accept international humanitarian assistance in 2004. This article aims to examine the development of Indonesian disaster regulations after the 2004 Aceh earthquake and tsunami, using qualitative methods complimented with document-based and internet-based data as well as interview results with several experts. Findings shows that the development of Indonesian disaster regulations is in line with the matters contained in the resolution, further exhibiting Indonesia's active participation as an actor in the international world. Having said that, there are many things that Indonesia shall continue to develop still in order to achieve optimal results in tackling natural disasters.Keywords: 2004 Aceh Earthquake and Tsunami, Indonesia Disaster Regulations, International Humanitarian Assistance, International Regimes
This article aims to describe the function of US sea power in Yokosuka, Japan against Chinese sea power in China's Near-Seas Region in 2013-2017. In the past two decades, the increasing of Chinese military power and coercive policy in the South, East, and Yellow China Sea, or the so-called China's Near-seas Region (CNR), have created regional security concern for the United States. The Chinese naval ability to carry out A2/AD operations in this area has eliminated the immunity of US warships that previously could operate freely without any significant threat. In order to confront the threat, the US government issued new policies, strategies and operational concepts where one of the most important elements of military force in charge of carrying it out was its sea power element in the form of surface warship stationed at the Yokosuka naval base. By using the concept of Sea Power and Maritime Warfare, this article concludes that in order to face the threats posed by China on CNR, US surface warships are expected to carry out strategies and operational concepts that are in line with two basic functions of sea power, sea control, and expedition operations albeit with a high risk in the event of war. This article uses a qualitative research method where data is collected through literature studies and interviews.Bahasa Indonesia Abstract: Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan fungsi kekuatan laut AS yang ditempatkan di Yokosuka Jepang dalam menghadapi kekuatan laut Tiongkok di China's Near-seas Region pada tahun 2013-2017. Dalam dua dekade terakhir, peningkatan kekuatan militer dan aktivitas koersif Tiongkok di LTS, LTT, dan Laut Kuning, dikenal juga dengan nama China's Near-seas Region (CNR), telah menciptakan kekhawatiran bagi Amerika Serikat. Kemampuan angkatan laut Tiongkok untuk melakukan operasi A2/AD diwilayah ini telah menghilangkan imunitas kapal-kapal perang AS yang sebelumnya dapat beroperasi secara bebas tanpa adanya ancaman berarti. Untuk menghadapi ancaman tersebut, militer AS mengeluarkan strategi maupun konsep operasional baru dimana salah satu unsur kekuatan militer paling utama yang bertugas menjalankannya adalah unsur kekuatan laut dalam wujud kapal-kapal perang permukaan yang ditempatkan di pangkalan angkatan laut Yokosuka, Jepang. Dengan menggunakan konsep Sea Power dan Maritime Warfare , artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa guna menghadapi ancaman Tiongkok di CNR, kapal-kapal perang permukaan AS tersebut diharapkan dapat menjalankan srategi dan konsep operasional yang sesuai dengan fungsi dasar kekuatan laut yaitu pengendalian laut dan operasi ekspedisi meskipun dengan resiko yang tinggi jika terjadi perang. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dimana data dikumpulkan melalui studi literatur dan juga wawancara.
Abstract The concept of geopolitics appears to bridge the relationship between geographical factors in contemporary politics. Through its focus on geographical factors, geopolitics has a very materialistic and objective foundation. Based on a critical examination of the implementation of the concept, it becomes clear that the geopolitical framework depends on social construction. Through qualitative methods, this article tries to explain that the concept of "Indo-Pacific" which is of international concern at the moment, is inseparable from a geopolitical construction carried out by the countries concerned. The significance of this new regional concept has been contested by some countries such as the United States, China, India, Australia, and Japan. Seeing its position at the Indo-Pacific geopolitical junction, Indonesia felt the need to make a geopolitical construction effort to encourage the creation of a better regional ecosystem, not as an arena for conflicting interests, as happened in the Asia-Pacific region. As part of the geopolitical construction effort and changing perceptions of all countries in the region, Indonesia through the ASEAN framework continues to promote the Indo-Pacific region which is open, free, and inclusive in various international forums.
ASEAN is one of the regions with the highest rate of disaster vulnerability. Tsunami 2004 has triggered the momentum for Indonesia and ASEAN to deal with disaster-related issues more seriously. Losses and casualties from the catastrophe led to the decision by Indonesian government to put disaster prevention and risk reduction as a priority. Indonesia continues to encourage and supporting ASEAN in order to improve the region's capability to deal with natural disaster. Through AADMER (ASEAN Agreement on Disaster Management and Emergency Response) that was signed in July 2005, ASEAN held an unequivocal and defined base in any efforts of disaster management, especially in the ASEAN region. Through Qualitative Methodology, this paper will discuss about how the disaster diplomacy of Indonesia contributes to the improvement of ASEAN's capability in the disaster management, but also examines BNPB as both the backbone and the focal point of Indonesia's disaster management, which then leads up to how disaster can abolish certain diplomatic hurdles, as well as improving regional cooperation, and strengthen the Indonesia's position as a key country in regional disaster management.
The change in defense policy that occurred during Shinzo Abe's reign in 2015 produced many pros and cons among the public. As a decision, it was not popular among civilians, either political elites or the public sphere because the administration made it in a hurry. Moreover, Japanese country was famous as a country with pacifism value after the Second World War. Therefore, the question arises as of why the decision was taken. This study uses the theory of Civil-Military Relations from Samuel Huntington to see whether there is a motive from the military to involve in the decision. Besides, this study also discusses military defense and professionalism of management in Japan to further illustrate the existence of military influence in the defense policy-making process and the political orientation of the Japanese military. The method used in this study is a qualitative research method. The author concludes that there was no interference by the Japanese army on the Japanese defense policy changes in 2015, but there was a scourge of civil-military relations in Japan which was initially a subjective civilian control into an objective civilian control.
ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria) is a transnational terrorist organization that has carried out attacks in various countries so that it becomes a threat to the state and society. Initially, ISIS was based in Syria and Iraq and carried out a lot of violence there. ISIS recruits foreign fighters from various countries and is termed "jihadists". On the other hand, the fight against ISIS is carried out by the state, militia, and foreign fighters. These foreign fighters came to Syria from various countries individually to fight ISIS. This research aims to answer research questions regarding the goals of foreign fighters in fighting ISIS. The research was conducted qualitatively by conducting interviews with a number of informants and then analyzed by coding techniques using Atlas.ti software. The findings of this study are that foreign fighters have individual, ethnic, religious, ideological goals, to stop the occupation, and to overthrow the government.
Objectives: This paper is aimed to study the transnational activity committed by Indonesian diaspora through the process of global framing as a way to influence the Indonesian political policies, namely, the rights of dual citizenship. Methodology: This study uses a qualitative research method and the technique of interview, literature studies, and documentation data gathering. The use of multi-level strategy in transnational advocacy networks is utilised to find the patterns of network segmentation, where the multi-level strategy itself consists of the grassroots level, national to international level. Main Findings: The process of global framing by IDN Global have also showcased the input and the ongoing process, however, the output and the outcome are yet to come in the phases of initiation which then resulted in the formulation of initiatives on transnationalism long term goals and sustainability. The discourse of diaspora constitutes a new culture of Indonesia, thus several transformations that are conducted by the government aimed in empowering its diaspora requires a deeper process and further research. Implication: In accordance to the transnational activities in the shape of global framing conducted by IDN Global in influencing Indonesian government policy shows input and ongoing processes, however, the output and overcome are yet in the process of initiation which resulted in the formulation of initiatives as an effort of a long term goal-oriented transnationalism. Novelty/ Originality of the Study: This writing will explain how far the effort of transnationalism conducted by the IDN Global, have accommodated the various aspirations to political contestation inside of the congress.
Indonesia's geographical conditions that sourrounded by ocean should be considered as an added value for maritime diplomacy for the sake of the development of Indonesia. Therefore, in terms of geoculture, Maritime Diplomacy should be taken into account as one of the main pillars to build maritime security in Indonesia including the use of maritime diplomacy in response to security threats, so that the defense capabilities will be gradually improved. This article will examine the importance of organizing Indonesia's maritime sector regarding the vision of the Global Maritime Fulcrum (GMF) in order to see the strengths and weaknesses of Indonesian Navy's capabilities as an instrument of Indonesia's Maritime diplomacy to support the development of maritime security. This article also argued that the most important in Indonesia's Maritime Diplomacy is that Indonesia is capable to guarantee maritime security for all stakeholders regionally and globally. Indonesia needs to improve management and expand promotion for all trading ports available, namely Jakarta and Surabaya as well as other ports as a hub of global maritime prospects. By enhancing maritime safety and security, various international cooperation will be maintained and pro table for Indonesia.
Women voters became one of the strategic voter segments in the political dissemination carried out by the Magelang City KPU because in addition to the population that exceeded male voters, it was also due to obstacles for women in terms of education, economy and social causes which made women more in the domestic area and limited access to information including electoral issues. In the implementation of simultaneous regional elections in 2015, the KPU set a target of national voter participation rate of 77.5%. As an effort to reach the target, Magelang City KPU implemented a strategy in carrying out political socialization to women voters. Qualitative methods are used in this study, and data collection techniques are used through interviews and documentation. Determination of informants is done with the purpose of using the snowball strategy. The results and discussion revealed that the Magelang City Election Commission applied an offensive and defensive strategy simultaneously but with different target groups of women voters.
