Suchergebnisse

Abstract We estimated the global living wage gap (LWG) as $US674 billion per year, which is comparable to the gross domestic product (GDP) of Switzerland. India (IND), the largest LWG country, contributed 32% of the global LWG. For a pair of jeans, closing the gap increases low-skilled cotton and textile wages in IND by 137% and 52%, respectively, while the retail price would increase only by 8% if consumed in Western countries. However, we found that most of the outputs with large LWGs from low-income countries are consumed domestically, suggesting that (a) closing the gap significantly increases the domestic price of products such as agriculture and textiles in low-income countries; and that (b) living wage premiums in high-income countries alone have a limited impact on closing the global LWG. The results highlight the need for both ethical trade and domestic living wage initiatives to close global LWGs.

Abstract We estimated the global living wage gap (LWG) as $US674 billion per year, which is comparable to the gross domestic product (GDP) of Switzerland. India (IND), the largest LWG country, contributed 32% of the global LWG. For a pair of jeans, closing the gap increases low-skilled cotton and textile wages in IND by 137% and 52%, respectively, while the retail price would increase only by 8% if consumed in Western countries. However, we found that most of the outputs with large LWGs from low-income countries are consumed domestically, suggesting that (a) closing the gap significantly increases the domestic price of products such as agriculture and textiles in low-income countries; and that (b) living wage premiums in high-income countries alone have a limited impact on closing the global LWG. The results highlight the need for both ethical trade and domestic living wage initiatives to close global LWGs.

Abstract
We estimated the global living wage gap (LWG) as $US674 billion per year, which is comparable to the gross domestic product (GDP) of Switzerland. India (IND), the largest LWG country, contributed 32% of the global LWG. For a pair of jeans, closing the gap increases low-skilled cotton and textile wages in IND by 137% and 52%, respectively, while the retail price would increase only by 8% if consumed in Western countries. However, we found that most of the outputs with large LWGs from low-income countries are consumed domestically, suggesting that (a) closing the gap significantly increases the domestic price of products such as agriculture and textiles in low-income countries; and that (b) living wage premiums in high-income countries alone have a limited impact on closing the global LWG. The results highlight the need for both ethical trade and domestic living wage initiatives to close global LWGs.

Metrics on resource productivity currently used by governments suggest that some developed countries have increased the use of natural resources at a slower rate than economic growth (relative decoupling) or have even managed to use fewer resources over time (absolute decoupling). Using the material footprint (MF), a consumption-based indicator of resource use, we find the contrary: Achievements in decoupling in advanced economies are smaller than reported or even nonexistent. We present a time series analysis of the MF of 186 countries and identify material flows associated with global production and consumption networks in unprecedented specificity. By calculating raw material equivalents of international trade, we demonstrate that countries' use of nondomestic resources is, on average, about threefold larger than the physical quantity of traded goods. As wealth grows, countries tend to reduce their domestic portion of materials extraction through international trade, whereas the overall mass of material consumption generally increases. With every 10% increase in gross domestic product, the average national MF increases by 6%. Our findings call into question the sole use of current resource productivity indicators in policy making and suggest the necessity of an additional focus on consumption-based accounting for natural resource use.

Metrics on resource productivity currently used by governments suggest that some developed countries have increased the use of natural resources at a slower rate than economic growth (relative decoupling) or have even managed to use fewer resources over time (absolute decoupling). Using the material footprint (MF), a consumption-based indicator of resource use, we find the contrary: Achievements in decoupling in advanced economies are smaller than reported or even nonexistent. We present a time series analysis of the MF of 186 countries and identify material flows associated with global production and consumption networks in unprecedented specificity. By calculating raw material equivalents of international trade, we demonstrate that countries' use of nondomestic resources is, on average, about threefold larger than the physical quantity of traded goods. As wealth grows, countries tend to reduce their domestic portion of materials extraction through international trade, whereas the overall mass of material consumption generally increases. With every 10% increase in gross domestic product, the average national MF increases by 6%. Our findings call into question the sole use of current resource productivity indicators in policy making and suggest the necessity of an additional focus on consumption-based accounting for natural resource use.

Metrics on resource productivity currently used by governments suggest that some developed countries have increased the use of natural resources at a slower rate than economic growth (relative decoupling) or have even managed to use fewer resources over time (absolute decoupling). Using the material footprint (MF), a consumption-based indicator of resource use, we find the contrary: Achievements in decoupling in advanced economies are smaller than reported or even nonexistent. We present a time series analysis of the MF of 186 countries and identify material flows associated with global production and consumption networks in unprecedented specificity. By calculating raw material equivalents of international trade, we demonstrate that countries' use of nondomestic resources is, on average, about threefold larger than the physical quantity of traded goods. As wealth grows, countries tend to reduce their domestic portion of materials extraction through international trade, whereas the overall mass of material consumption generally increases. With every 10% increase in gross domestic product, the average national MF increases by 6%. Our findings call into question the sole use of current resource productivity indicators in policy making and suggest the necessity of an additional focus on consumption-based accounting for natural resource use.