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TO PREDICT COMPARATIVE LEVELS OF VIOLENCE IN 2 SETS OF INTERNATIONAL CONFLICTS, 2 SYSTEMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF DYADIC INTERNATIONAL SYSTEMS ARE USED: POWER RELATIONSHIP & SD. THE DATA CONSIST OF 29 DYADS FROM R. J. RUMMEL ("A SOCIAL FIELD THEORY OF FOREIGN CONFLICT BEHAVIOR," PEACE RESEARCH SOCIETY, PAPERS, 1965, 4, 131-150) WHICH HAD CONFLICT DURING 1955-57 & 15 CONFLICTS FROM B. FITZSIMMONS ("THE ROLE OF VIOLENCE IN INTERNATIONAL CONFLICT," TECHNICAL REPORT #1, U OF SOTHERN CALIFORNIA, 1969, JAN) WHICH HAD SIMILAR CONFLICT. 4 MEASURES OF CONFLICT ARE USED IN THE RUMMEL DATA: (1) AN ORDINAL RANKING FROM 1 TO 6, (2) 4 FACTORS EXTRACTED FROM THE 12 DISCRETE CONFLICT MEASURES, (3) A MAGNITUDE RATING OF ALL 4 FACTORS, & (4) A WEIGHTED SCORE FOR EACH DYAD. 4 CONFLICT MEASURES ARE USED IN THE FITZSIMMONS DATA: (A) BATTLE CASUALTIES FROM BOTH COUNTRIES, (B) PHYSICALLY VIOLENT INTERACTIONS, (C) VERBALLY VIOLENT INTERACTIONS, & (D) A SCALED CONFLICT SCORE. LEVEL OF VIOLENCE IN THE 'CONFLICT SYSTEMS' IS MEASURED BY EVENTS OCCURRING BETWEEN THE 2 COUNTRIES IN CONFLICT; POWER RELATIONSHIP IS MEASURED BY POPULATION & ENERGY PRODUCTION; & SD IS MEASURED BY TRADE & MUTUAL MEMBERSHIP IN INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS. BY USING REGRESSION ANALYSES, MODERATE PROPORTIONS OF THE VARIATION IN OVERALL CONFLICT & DIFFERENT TYPES OF CONFLICT CAN BE ACCOUNTED FOR BY THE 2 SYSTEMIC CHARACTERISTICS. THESE FINDINGS APPEAR IN ONLY 1 SET OF 15 CONFLICTS. 3 TABLES. MODIFIED HA.

SINCE THE 1989 BEIJING MASSACRE, DISCUSSIONS ON THE TRANSITIONS TO POST-DENG CHINA AMONG THE CHINESE INTELLECTUALS AND CHINA SPECIALISTS HAVE CENTERED ON THREE GENERAL SCENARIOS. THESE INCLUDE NEO-AUTHORITARIANISM AND NEO-CONSERVATISM, BOTH OF WHICH PROMOTE ENLIGHTENED AUTHORITARIAN RULE DURING THE DUAL TRANSITION AWAY FROM LENINIST POLITICS AND AN EFFICIENT STATE-RUN ECONOMY. DESPITE THEIR DIFFERENCES, THINKERS OF EACH PERSUASION ARE APPLYING NEW CONCEPTUALIZATIONS THAT DO NOT RELY ON MARXIST LENINIST THINKING. AN ENLIGHTENED, MODERNIZING-ORIENTED POLITICAL ELITE WOULD WISELY USE STATE POWER TO FIRST TRANSFORM THE STATE-RUN ECONOMY INTO A STABLE MARKET ORIENTED ECONOMY. THIS ARTICLE ANALYZES THE IMPACT OF WESTERN POLITICAL THEORY ON CHINESE NEO-AUTHORITARIAN AND NEO-CONSERVATIVE THOUGHT.

THE AUTHOR GIVES A FIRST-HAND ACCOUNT OF THE FEBRUARY 1986 ELECTION IN THE PHILIPPINES.

Though the problem of childhood lead poisoning has been recognized for more than a century, it remains an important threat to children's health and development. This comparative policy assessment examines and compares environmental and public health policies to prevent children's exposure of three major lead producing countries. Germany, the USA and Australia were used to explore a range of approaches primarily at the national level to identify best practice, how the lack of finding any 'safe exposure' level has been incorporated into policy, and to consider if any international harmonization has occurred. We searched the peer-reviewed literature, government websites, policy documents and grey literature to identify how and when policies were developed, implemented and revised. From this analysis, we present a chronology and discussion of national policy approaches for the main sources of lead exposure for children in each country. We found significant differences in timing and comprehensiveness of environmental policies related to lead. There are significant differences among the countries in biomonitoring and identifying pathways of exposure, with limited information available in Germany and Australia. Though there are significant gaps, the US has the most comprehensive regulations relating to old lead paint in housing, while in Australia, a regulatory framework is lacking. Though all three countries regulate lead in air, the US has the most health protective standard, while Australia lacks the ability to ensure that states meet the national standard. Though each country has developed regulatory frameworks for lead that have reduced children's exposure, none of the three countries have a comprehensive set of policies that respond to the scientific evidence that there is no identified threshold for lead exposure. While there are differences in the relative importance of lead exposure pathways among the three countries, suggesting the need for different prevention emphases, there is also a strong argument for more international harmonization of exposure standards at the most protective levels. Some environmental policies incorporate current scientific understanding of lead toxicity, however, we identified gaps in standards and enforcement, and as a result, exposure continues to affect the health of children in all three countries.

This paper explores the connections between democracy, peace and development in three cases of recent history - Uganda, Kenya and Sri Lanka. It is shown that there are no simple and universal relationships. The experience of all three countries shows that democratic institutions are not sufficient to prevent conflict and can foment it in sharply divided societies. The case of Sri lanka suggests that redesigning democratic institutions in order to reduce conflict can fail to do so and may actually accentuate it. The paper concludes that inclusive government, politically and economically, is necessary to prevent conflict. This entails political participation by all major groups and a spread of economic benefits throughout society. Such inclusive government may be consistent with non-democratic structures and may often be undermined by democratic institutions, especially where violence is recent and threatening. Political and economic conditionality should aim to promote inclusive government and even development, even at the cost of conventional economic conditionality and the promotion of democracy, in violence-prone societies.

Cover -- Half-Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Chapter One: The Territoriality of Theory -- Chapter Two: Individuals, Agency, and Ideas -- Chapter Three: Real Decisions and Ideal Models -- Chapter Four: The Nation-State: Cause, Curse, or Cure? -- Chapter Five: Systems: Chaos and Anarchy, or Organized Complexity? -- Chapter Six: Realism's Circuitous Route: Realpolitik to Structures and Back -- Chapter Seven: Integration, Liberalisms, and Balance: Tales of Two Theories -- Chapter Eight: The Invisible Hand That Wasn't -- Chapter Nine: Games, Rules, and Norms in International Politics -- Chapter Ten: Anarchy or Contention? -- Notes -- References -- Name Index -- Subject Index.

"Cover" -- "Contents" -- "Acknowledgements" -- "Notes on Contributors" -- "Introduction" -- "Part I Race" -- "1 Not Irish Enough? Masculinity and Ethnicity in The Wire and Rescue Me" -- "2 Reading and Writing Race in Ireland: Roddy Doyle and Metro Eireann" -- "3 Marching, Minstrelsy, Masquerade: Parading White Loyalist Masculinity as 'Blackness'" -- "4 'Is it for the Glamour?': Masculinity, Nationhood and Amateurism in Contemporary Projections of the Gaelic Athletic Association" -- "Part II Space" -- "5 'Our Nuns are not a Nation': Politicizing the Convent in Irish Literature and Film" -- "6 Fanfic in Ireland: No Country, No Sex, No Money, No Name" -- "7 Widening the Frame: the Politics of Mural Photography in Northern Ireland" -- "8 Tracking the Luas between the Human and the Inhuman" -- "Part III Diaspora" -- "9 Cinematic Constructions of Irish Musical Ethnicity" -- "10 St Patrick's Day Expulsions: Race and Homophobia in New York's Parade" -- "11 Fantasy, Celebrity and 'Family Values' in High-End and Special Event Tourism in Ireland" -- "12 A Mirror up to Irishness: Hollywood Hard Men and Witty Women" -- "Part IV Aporia" -- "13 'Let's Get Killed': Culture and Peace in Northern Ireland" -- "14 Boyz to Men: Irish Boy Bands and Mothering the Nation" -- "15 Quare Theory" -- "16 Camping up the Emerald Aisle: 'Queerness' in Irish Popular Culture" -- "Index" -- "A" -- "B" -- "C" -- "D" -- "E" -- "F" -- "G" -- "H" -- "I" -- "J" -- "K" -- "L" -- "M" -- "N" -- "O" -- "P" -- "Q" -- "R" -- "S" -- "T" -- "U" -- "V" -- "W