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In 1997, Hong Kong became a special administrative region of China under the 'one country, two systems' framework. In this new edition, Tim Summers brings his analysis of the politics of Hong Kong fully up to date and discusses the ramifications for the city of the mass demonstrations of 2019-20 and the city's intensifying confrontational politics that have culminated in China's new national security law for Hong Kong.In the process, Hong Kong has lost the sweet spot it occupied for four decades in a world of intensifying economic globalization and decent US-China relations, all the more so after Covid-19. Instead it finds itself at the frontline of US-China strategic rivalry. Summers explores how the city's future will be shaped by the interaction of these global tensions with Hong Kong's polarized local politics and its relationship with Beijing.

Cover -- series page -- imprint page -- Contents -- Preface -- Note on transliteration -- Glossary and abbreviations -- Introduction -- chapter 1 -- chapter 2 -- chapter 3 -- chapter 4 -- chapter 5 -- chapter 6 -- chapter 7 -- Timeline -- Notes -- Index

"The rise of China has been shaped and driven by its engagement with the global economy during a period of intensified globalization, yet China is a continentsized economy and society with substantial diversity across its different regions. This means that its engagement with the global economy cannot just be understood at the national level, but requires analysis of the differences in participation in the global economy across Chinas regions. This book responds to this challenge by looking at the development of Chinas regions in this era of globalization. It traces the evolution of regional policy in China and its implications in a global context. Subsequent chapters examine the global trajectory of what is now becoming known as the Greater Bay Area in southern China, the globalization of the inland mega-city of Chongqing, and the role of Chinas regions in the globally-focused belt and road initiative launched by the Chinese government in late 2013. The book will be of interest to practitioners and scholars engaging with contemporary Chinas political economy and international relations."--Provided by publisher.

The Chinese Government's five-year strategy for social and economic development to 2015 includes the aim of making the southwestern province of Yunnan a bridgehead for 'opening the country' to southeast Asia and south Asia. Yunnan - A Chinese Bridgehead to Asia traces the dynamic process which has led to this policy goal, a process through which Yunnan is being repositioned from a southwestern periphery of the People's Republic of China to a 'bridgehead' between China and its regional neighbours. It shows how this has been expressed in ideas and policy frameworks, involvement in regional insti

The Chinese Government's five-year strategy for social and economic development to 2015 includes the aim of making the southwestern province of Yunnan a bridgehead for 'opening the country' to southeast Asia and south Asia. Yunnan - A Chinese Bridgehead to Asia traces the dynamic process which has led to this policy goal, a process through which Yunnan is being repositioned from a southwestern periphery of the People's Republic of China to a 'bridgehead' between China and its regional neighbours. It shows how this has been expressed in ideas and policy frameworks, involvement in regional insti.

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been the subject of extensive analysis since late 2013. Most of this views it as a manifestation of China's approach to global issues under Xi Jinping, whether economic, geopolitical, or as a bid to reshape globalization. There has so far been less research into the domestic dynamics of the BRI, including at the sub-national level in China. Based primarily on an examination of provincial-level policy documents and research, this paper explores the ways in which policy makers in the southwestern province of Yunnan have responded to the BRI, and what this might mean for the implementation and shaping of the initiative. It identifies the promotion of externally-oriented development as the main response in Yunnan to the BRI, structured around the idea of making the province a 'pivot' to south and southeast Asia. This provincial-level response is shaped by pre-existing policy goals in Yunnan and reflects more continuity than change in policy substance. This is consistent with interpretations of the BRI as an 'omnibus' policy which can incorporate multiple objectives and act as a framework within which provincial actors can compete for influence or which they can use to make progress towards achieving local objectives in the context of national strategy. The paper concludes that in the case of Yunnan and the BRI, broad alignment between provincial and central government objectives suggests that on this issue, Yunnan is more of an 'influencer' and 'interpreter' than 'ignorer' of national policy goals. (Pac Rev/GIGA)

This analysis offers a historical assessment of "economic statecraft" in Beijing's approach to Hong Kong from 1997 to 2020. It discusses how the concept of "economic statecraft" can be applied to Beijing–Hong Kong relations given the nature of the "one country, two systems" framework, and looks at some differing perceptions about economic statecraft in Hong Kong. It argues that, during this period, economic tools were in general used by Beijing relatively sparingly, and in the form of inducements rather than coercion. In conclusion, the analysis suggests that the contested interpretations of Beijing–Hong Kong economic relations demonstrate that "economic statecraft" is to a certain extent in the eye of the beholder. (JCCA/GIGA)