Suchergebnisse

Обосновано выделение лингвополитических компетенций как важной составной части лингвострановедческих компетенций будущих учителей, которые изучают китайский язык и китайскую культуру в российских университетах. Обоснован тезис о том, что необходимо специально знакомить студентов с политической системой Китая и политическими символами государства - флагом, гербом, гимном, а также с политической структурой Китайской Народной Республики и ее руководителями. ; The author substantiates the allocation of linguistic and political competencies as an important part of the linguistic and cultural competencies of future teachers who study the Chinese language and Chinese culture at Russian universities. The thesis that it is necessary to introduce students specifically to the political system of China and the political symbols of the state - the flag, the coat of arms, the anthem, as well as the political structure of the China and its leaders.

Elke dagelijkse online-ruimte kan over de politiek worden verteld en er deel van uitmaken. Dienovereenkomstig, vraagt deze studie zich af hoe het dagelijkse politieke gesprek in zulke ruimtes Chinese burgers in de politiek betrekt en of het zal bijdragen tot een actieve online publieke sfeer in China. Dit proefschrift onderzoekt die kleinschalige interacties tussen gewone burgers op het Chinese internet in de context van alledag. Het verschuift de focus naar de communicatie van burgers in internetgebaseerde alledaagse ruimten die verder gaan dan die traditionele politieke ruimten waar mensen online aan deelnemen. Voor dit doel bestudeer ik forums waarin politiek wordt gemengd met lifestyle-kwesties of niet-politieke online forums. Specifiek, de studie van de aanpak van alledaagse politieke gesprekken, de persoonlijke zorgen van Chinese burgers voor de politiek. Hier betekent dagelijks politiek praten niet alleen mondaine communicatieve praktijken op zich, maar ook de sociaal-maatschappelijke cultuur waarin deze communicatieve acties plaatsvinden. Met andere woorden, het alledaagse politieke gesprek situeert zich in de lokale sociaal-culturele context. Door dit te bestuderen, zijn burgers van het dagelijks leven verweven met politiek en politici in hun leefwereld op microniveau. Het biedt ons dus de gelegenheid om de dagelijkse politieke gesprekken te onderzoeken die zich openen voor het publieke domein dat een relatief autonome ruimte cultiveert en onderhoudt voor nieuwe politieke formaties in China. ; Everyday online spaces may be the new and alternative places where people can talk about politics and engage in it. Accordingly, this study wonders how Chinese citizens' everyday political talk in such spaces impacts their practice of citizenship and whether they will contribute to an active online public sphere in China. This dissertation studies those small-scale interactions among ordinary citizens on the Chinese internet in everyday life context. It shifts the focus to citizen communications in internet-based everyday spaces beyond those traditional political spaces people join online. For this purpose, I study forums mixing politics with lifestyle issues or non-political online forums. Specifically, the study implies the approach of everyday political talk, which may serve as an alternative way to link Chinese citizens' personal concerns to politics. Here, everyday political talk does not only imply mundane communicative practices per se but also bears the social-civic culture where those communicative actions take place. In other words, everyday political talk is situated in the local social-cultural context. By studying this, it is possible to probe into how citizens' everyday life is interwoven with politics and how citizens think about and engage in politics in their lifeworld at the micro-level. Thus, it provides us opportunities to investigate the chances that everyday political talk opens up for the emergence of a public realm that cultivates and sustains a relatively autonomous space for new political formations in China.

This article explores the dynamics and practices of feminist data activism that engages with grassroots data to archive cases of sexual violence in China. Drawing on Cammaert's notion of the mediation opportunity structure, we investigate the mediation process of a feminist data campaign and activists' communicative practices in contemporary China. By practicing data-activist research, our study shows that the data-based action repertoire opens up hybrid and contingent mediation opportunities for an anti-sexual violence campaign under the current political opportunity structure. We find the paradox of seeking visibility while refusing mainstream media coverage in activist tactics, which embodies a form of adaptive and resilient feminist data activism in the authoritarian context of China. This case study suggests that the dynamics of feminist data activism in China are configured by the tripartite interaction among the disruptive action repertoire, mediation opportunity structure, and political conditions.

Little research attention has been paid to the cognitive processes underlying environmental decision making. We examined environmental decisions in public and private spheres made under different decision time periods, using a minimal version of the dictator game. Participants made
binary decisions according to whether they would cede their cash proceeds to support environmental conservation. The results show that time pressure amplified participants' behavioral preferences: More proenvironmental choices were made under time pressure than when there was a time delay
allowed or when there was no time limit on the decision. This bias was found to occur intuitively, without significant differences resulting from the environmental decisions being in public versus private spheres. These findings provide preliminary evidence that environmental decisions are
the outcome of intuitive and deliberative processes.

This article explores how an established environmental nongovernmental organization, the Institute of Public and Environmental Affairs (IPE), engaged in data activism around a civic tech platform in China, expanding the space for public participation. By conducting participatory observation and interviews, along with document analysis, we describe three modes of data activism that represent different mechanisms of civic oversight in the environmental sphere. Unlike contentious data activism in the Western context, we argue that IPE activists' data practices are localized in the specific sociopolitical culture shaped by China's authoritarian system. These practices do not involve contentious political criticism against the government, although they have monitoring functions. By finding the middle ground between confrontation and state control, IPE activists participated in the political process as policy entrepreneurs who pursue their political goals in cooperation with the government. Rather than mobilizing radical contestation, environmental data activism in China works as a constructive alternative to the denial of the existing government system, transmitting public input into the policy-making process.

A Curtain of Green and Other Stories is a collection of short stories written by Southern American writer Eudora Welty. In the story collection, Welty portrays life and people in Mississippi in the first half of the 20th century, including quite a few marginalized people. Being a photographer as well, Welty has a unique vision for body expression. This essay tries to make an analysis of the body narration of two types of marginalized people in A Curtain of Green and Other Stories, including physically disabled people and black people. By analyzing the body culture in Welty's works, this essay tries to give a vivid picture of Southern marginalized people's daily existence, probe into the social circumstances of Southern America in early 20th century, and find a new perspective to interpret Southern American culture.

AbstractNoting the infrastructural turn in platform studies, the article conceives China's health code system, Jian Kang Ma (JKM), deployed to manage the COVID‐19 crisis as a new social infrastructure that manifests the symbolic and material power of the Party State. Using the platform walkthrough method and documentary inquiry, we unpack the structures of platform governance and identify actors of the power to appreciate the socio‐political dynamics of platform algorithms. JKM's structural power is not monolithic in the name of the Party State but supports a process of structuration that operates across multiple actors, administrative bodies and, governing layers. JKM has centralised data systems through the building of a nationwide algorithmic standard of COVID‐19 governance. JKM typified the political dynamics of deterritorialisation, a reference to the state's governing mindset of eradicating local variants of policy implementation and governing autonomy in China. The removal of local power in pandemic administration has led to the production of a unified national subject. Such a comprehensive approach begs for greater nuance and sophisticated knowledge about those indigenous logics that platforms and algorithms operate and are embedded in, thus contributing to de‐westernising platform studies.

Noting the infrastructural turn in platform studies, the article conceives China's health code system, Jian Kang Ma (JKM), deployed to manage the COVID‐19 crisis as a new social infrastructure that manifests the symbolic and material power of the Party State. Using the platform walkthrough method and documentary inquiry, we unpack the structures of platform governance and identify actors of the power to appreciate the socio‐political dynamics of platform algorithms. JKM's structural power is not monolithic in the name of the Party State but supports a process of structuration that operates across multiple actors, administrative bodies and, governing layers. JKM has centralised data systems through the building of a nationwide algorithmic standard of COVID‐19 governance. JKM typified the political dynamics of deterritorialisation, a reference to the state's governing mindset of eradicating local variants of policy implementation and governing autonomy in China. The removal of local power in pandemic administration has led to the production of a unified national subject. Such a comprehensive approach begs for greater nuance and sophisticated knowledge about those indigenous logics that platforms and algorithms operate and are embedded in, thus contributing to de‐westernising platform studies.

Based on a comparative content analysis of political talk in three popular Chinese online forums (government-run, commercial-lifestyle, and commercial-topical), this paper investigates how the private and public spheres are connected thru everyday talk about childcare concerns. Compared to the government-run (party-state) forum, the nonpolitical (lifestyle and topical) forums created open and inclusive 'third spaces' for citizens to engage in child welfare politics. In such spaces, the reason, rule-based deliberation was not the dominant communicative practice. Rather, political (narrative) acts of complaining and sharing personal concerns – grounded in citizens' life experiences – were the norm, capturing and recognizing public problems in the private sphere. We argue that to understand the nature of political talk in Chinese third spaces, communicative acts that have not been considered central to deliberative reasoning, such as complaining and sharing personal concerns should be given more normative importance.