Suchergebnisse

RésuméEn Chine, les relations professionnelles sont fondées sur des consultations et des contrats collectifs pilotés par les pouvoirs publics et inscrits dans la tradition des «quotas» de la planification centralisée. Pouvoirs publics et syndicats coopèrent pour atteindre des quotas de couverture, notamment au niveau local ou de l'entreprise. La méthode est très efficace pour surmonter les réticences des employeurs, mais l'absence de négociation collective authentique induit un manque manifeste de contenu. Selon les auteurs, le gouvernement cherche à institutionnaliser un cadre réglementaire visant à contenir la montée des mouvements sociaux pour préserver la stabilité et la croissance, tout en remettant à plus tard la négociation collective.

ResumenEl sistema chino de relaciones laborales consiste en un modelo de consulta colectiva dirigida por el Gobierno y un método de gestión por cuotas heredado de la economía planificada. Gobierno y sindicatos colaboran para lograr cuotas de cobertura, sobre todo a nivel empresarial. Aunque consiguen salvar las reticencias empresariales, la ausencia de verdadera negociación colectiva priva de sustancia los convenios firmados. A partir de entrevistas y de fuentes documentales, los autores concluyen que el Gobierno pretende institucionalizar un marco de relaciones laborales para contener el creciente descontento laboral pero posponiendo pragmáticamente la auténtica negociación colectiva en aras de la estabilidad y el crecimiento.

AbstractChina's system of labour relations regulation is based on a government‐led model of collective consultation and contracts, driven by the central planning tradition of "quota management". Government and trade unions thus cooperate to fulfil coverage quotas, especially at the local/enterprise level. Though their methods are highly successful at overcoming employers' reluctance, the absence of genuine collective bargaining leaves collective contracts largely devoid of substance. Under this system, the authors argue, the Government is institutionalizing a labour regulation framework aimed at containing the recent rise in labour unrest, while pragmatically postponing collective bargaining for the sake of stability and growth.

AbstractGiven the deficiencies of traditional government capacity indicators and cultural factors (e.g., individualism) in explaining the discrepancies of different agents' responses to the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID‐19) pandemic, the present study proposed and examined the role of neoliberalism, a novel cultural tradition of knowledge emphasizing the principles of free markets and self‐governance, as an additional explanation of the discrepancies in the governmental and individual responses to the pandemic. Analyzing policy responses of 106 nations and personal responses from 105,203 individuals in 104 nations during the first wave of the pandemic, we found that nation‐level neoliberalism (delineated by the economic freedom index) negatively predicted the nonlinear trajectories of government policy responses to contain the pandemic. Specifically, in more neoliberal countries, stringent containment policy responses showed a sharper decline in the later stage of the first wave of the pandemic. Moreover, nation‐level neoliberalism negatively predicted individuals' pandemic‐protective attitudes and behaviors. All these effects are independent of and incremental to those of nation‐level individualism. In conclusion, this study sheds light on how neoliberalism could lead to negative consequences during large‐scale, long‐lasting public threats, offering practical guidance for adjusting public crisis management in the future.