Suchergebnisse

Sejarah peristilahan demokrasi dapat ditelusuri jauh ke belakang. Konsep ini ditumbuhkan pertama kali dalam praktik negara kota Yunani dan Athena (450 SM dan 350 SM). Dalam tahun 431 SM, Pericles, seorang negarawan ternama Athena, mendefinisikan demokrasi dengan mengemukakan beberapa kriteria: (1) pemerintahan oleh rakyat dengan partisipasi rakyat yang penuh dan langsung.; (2) kesamaan di depan hukum; (3) pluralisme, yaitu penghargaan atas semua bakat, minat, keinginan dan pandangan; dan (4) penghargaan terhadap suatu pemisahan dan wilayah pribadi untuk memenuhi dan mengekspresikan kepribadian individual. Samuel Huntington mengidentifikasi tiga gelombang demokratisasi dalam sejarah manusia. Gelombang pertama antara tahun 1828 hingga 1926, gelombang kedua tahun 1943 hingga tahun 1962, Sejak tahun 1974, menurutnya, dunia memasuki gelombang ketiga demokratisasi dengan lebih banyak lagi negara menjadi demokratis. Gelombang demokratisasi ini juga diikuti arus balik di mana beberapa negara yang telah menjadi demokrasi kembali menjadi otoriter. Kendati demikian, gelombang demokratisasi selalu datang dan lebih banyak negara menjadi demokratis. Demokrasi, meskipun ada arus balik, adalah suatu yang tak terelakkan dan bakal hadir bagi semua negara. Indonesia adalah salah satu dari negara yang sedang memasuki gelombang ini. Setelah 32 tahun berkuasa, rezim Jenderal Soeharto yang kuat tiba-tiba runtuh pada 21 Mei 1998 di tengah krisis ekonomi Asia. Kondisi politik Indonesia, bagaimanapun, masih belum jelas benar apakah kekuatan-kekuatan demokrasi akan menang.

In 2001 President Wahid made a significant change in the administrative systemfrom a highly centralised to a decentralised system. After the downfall of Soeharto,governors, regents and mayors, who had felt the unfair distribution of resources, started to claim a greater share of their resources. In the implementation of local autonomy the relationship between the central and the localgouemments and the respective functions of each administrative level became cru­cial. Regional autonomy aimed at changing the balance between the central bureaucracy and the Iocal btaeaucracy, and between upper leuel bureaucracy and lozaer level bureaucracy. The need to change the concentration of power and resouces in the hands of power holders and, informally, also in hands of its cronies, was a logical consequence of the struggle to eliminate cronyism and collusion: According to Law Na 22 of 1999 on Local Government, districts had full autonomy. This meant that the provincial governor continued to act as the representative of the central government in the province, but that the head of a district could no longer be regarded as a representative ofcentral government The governor had a dual role as head of the autonomous region, the governor did not have power over the regent. As the central government representative, however, the governor clearly had the power of the centre to supervise and to facilitate the district and city governments.

Kepentingan politik penguasa terhadap Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan di Indonesia dapat dirunut dalam sejarah perkembangan mata pelajaran ini, sejak munculnya dalam sistem pendidikan nasional pada era Orde Lama hingga Orde Reformasi. Mata pelajaran ini muncul pertama kali tahun 1957. Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan mempunyai misi yang khas. Mata pelajaran ini menonjol dengan misinya untuk mewujudkan sikap toleransi, tenggang rasa, memelihara persatuan dan kesatuan, tidak memaksakan pendapat dan lain-lain, yang dirasionalkan demi terciptanya stabilitas nasional sebagai prasyarat bagi kelangsungan pembangunan. Di balik semua itu Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan sesungguhnya telah berfungsi sebagai alat penguasa untuk melanggengkan kekuasaan. Sosok Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan (Civic atau Citizenship) yang demikian memang sering muncul di sejumlah negara, khususnya negara-negara berkembang termasuk Indonesia.

Kepentingan politik penguasa terhadap Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan (PKn) di Indonesia dapat dirunut dalam sejarah perkembangan mata pelajaran ini, sejak munculnya dalam sistem pendidikan nasional pada era Orde Lama hingga Orde Reformasi. Mata pelajaran PKn ini muncul pertama kali tahun 1957. Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan mempunyai misi yang khas. Mata pelajaran ini menonjol dengan misinya untuk mewujudkan sikap toleransi, tenggang rasa, memelihara persatuan dan kesatuan, tidak memaksakan pendapat, dan lain-lain, yang dirasionalkan demi terciptanya stabilitas nasional sebagai prasyarat bagi kelangsungan pembangunan. Di balik semua itu Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan sesungguhnya telah berfungsi sebagai alat penguasa untuk melanggengkan kekuasaan. Sosok Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan (Civic atau Citizenship Education) yang demikian memang sering muncul di sejumlah negara, khususnya negara-negara berkembang termasuk Indonesia seperti yang dikemukakan oleh Cogan (1998).

Political education, therefore, as such, has not had a central part in curiculum, although what is often referred to as the hidden curriculum could be argued to have contributed to a political education of sorts, shaping the attitudes of students towards authoriry and implicitlY forming the values of the students in such politicallY important matters as socialjustice, racial and gender equaliry, or nationallqyaliry. But such political formation would be implicit, and indeed the protesters in the 1970s against the exploration in clasrooms of the rights and wrongs of nuclear warfare did not see that their own action enforced a particular political position as the legitimate one to be subscribed to ry teachers. Education and politics are inextricablY linked. Politics is inseparable from education, unless the country plans to generate illiterate politicians' who could not be expected to lead the republi~ out of the current crises. You cannot escape politics or separate it from education. Politics is the way to manage the broad environment, and not merelY a struggle for power. Therefore it is the dury of schools to help students dijJerentiate between good politics and bad politics.

Materi untuk pembelajaran Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan (PKN) erat sekali hubungannya dengan kajian dalam bidang politik. Sedangkan kajian dalam bidang ilmu politik sangat dipengaruhi oleh perkembangan realitas politik di suatu negara baik yang masuk dalam wilayah supra struktur politik maupun yang masuk dalam infra struktur politik. Pembelajaran dan kajian PKN yang mengabaikan perkembangan dan dinamika politik akan kehilangan kontektulitas, kehilangan daya tarik, serta kurang bermanfaat bagi peserta didik. Oleh karena itu, pemahaman dan penguasaan pengampu Pendidikan Kewarganegaraan pada berbagai persoalan politik beserta dinamika dan perkembangannya merupakan suatu keniscayaan.

Expectation which still be remained from Indonesian nation in order to get out of various crises is by improving education system. National education is aimed at developing the competence of student to become pious and religious human which have civilized and kindness, healthy, knowledgeable, capable, creative, self-supporting, and become democratic citizen and responsible. Civic Education owns the strategic role in forming demo­cratic and responsible citizen and building the democratic society. Hoped competences after undergoing civic education is the awning of a set smart action, full of responsibility from a citizen in relating to state, and also able to have a share in finding various problem faced by the society, nation and state as according to profession and capacities of each.

The unitary state of the republic of Indonesia often experiences conflicts in the name of religion and even takes the streets to voice what the state decides to carry out by its citizens. It is felt that what the state has decided deviates from religious regulations, so that religious groups have staged demonstrations to express the aspirations of these religious beliefs. The unitary state of the republic of Indonesia can be shaken when it finds such a case, even if we read in the Middle East countries where wars can occur. If this cannot be strengthened, then Indonesia is also a country with great potential in this direction. The author wants to strengthen the position of the unitary republic of Indonesia with state facilities in the form of a container that has a very important role, namely the forum for inter-religious harmony. The interfaith community harmony forum must be at the forefront in maintaining the potential for conflicts that threaten the solidity of the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia, not a vessel that is just a formality. This journal uses a qualitative method by using literature review from books and journals, of course, contains proven research results that show that the forum for religious harmony takes part in building regional development participation to strengthen the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia. The results show that 4 research evidence has shown that community harmony forums have an important role in building regional participation, namely by solving problems faced by the community from various kinds of problems which are then discussed in the religious context. This journal uses a qualitative method by using literature review from books and journals, of course, contains proven research results that show that the forum for religious harmony takes part in building regional development participation to strengthen the unitary state of the Republic of Indonesia. The results show that 4 research evidence has shown that community harmony forums have an important role in building regional participation, namely by solving problems faced by the community from various kinds of problems which are then discussed in the religious context.

This research aims to describe the dynamics of the legislative elections in Indonesia in 1955, 1971, 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, 1997, 1999, 2004, 2009, 20014, and 2019. This type of research was library research by using a qualitative approach. This study utilized cross-checks as the data validity checking technique. The data analysis techniques in this study used qualitative descriptive analysis. In interpreting data, this study was based on the concepts, theories, and critical analysis. The results of this study are as follows: (1) The 1955 elections were aimed at electing members of the DPR, and the members of the Constituent Assembly. The legal basis for this election was the 1950 Constitution and Law No. 7 of 1953 concerning General Elections. It is confirmed by numerous parties as one of the most democratic elections in the history of Indonesian state administration; (2) New Order era elections were held periodically for six times (1971, 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992, and 1997). It applied a proportional election system that was adjusted to the objectives and political format of the New Order. The New Order elections were only followed by three political parties and Golkar as the ruling party continually won. As a result, President Soeharto's political position became extraordinarily strong, the role of military politics was highly dominant, and the taming political radicalism can be done through the concept of a floating mass; (3) The 1999 election was still in the format of the constitutional system according to the 1945 Constitution that had not been amended. Thus, it was only to elect DPR and DPRD members, and they were also still familiar with the Republic of Indonesia Armed Forces (ABRI) member appointment system; (4) After the amendment to the 1945 Constitution, the legislative and presidential elections have been held four times, i.e., the 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019 elections. Although the results of the legislative elections in the 2004, 2009, 2014 and 2019 elections did not produce an absolute majority in ...

The purpose of writing this article is to describe the effect of online mass media literacy on civic engagement of student activists in the political field. This type of survey research with a quantitative approach. The population was 651 students and a sample of 90 students. Data analysis uses descriptive statistical analysis and simple regression. Online mass media literacy has a significant and positive influence on civic engagement in politics. The results of data analysis show the value of t-count is greater than the t-table (10,332>1,986). The significance value is smaller than alpha (0,000 <0.05). The contribution of Mass Media Online Literacy to Civic Engagement in politics in student activists was 54.8%, while the rest was influenced by other factors.

This article aims to discuss the role of kiai in building voter participation. The method used is a qualitative approach. Data collection using observation, interviews, and observations. Analysis uses an interactive model. The results of the study show that scholars have 3 (three) roles in politics, namely as political political patrons, political elites, and political mediators. Kiai as political patrons become a reference in making political choices. Kiai are active political elites in the management of political parties and mass mobilization. Kiai as political mediators mediate in political conflicts.

Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui penerapan pendidikan humanis demokratis di SD Eksperimental Mangunan. Dilatarbelakangi situasi pendidikan saat ini yang cenderung berpusat pada guru, sehingga menjadikan siswa sebagai objek yang pasif. Artikel ini merupakan penelitan studi kasus dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif yang dilakukan di Sekolah Dasar Eksperimental Mangunan Yogyakarta pada Juli-Agustus tahun 2021. Data penelitian dikumpulkan dengan menggunakan teknik wawancara dan dokumentasi. Pemeriksaan keabsahan data mengunakan teknik triangulasi sumber dan teknik. Sedangkan teknik analisis data menggunakan teknik analisis kualitatif Miles dan Huberman, dengan tahap: (1) mereduksi data yang diperoleh, (2) menyajikan data dengan teks naratif dan gambar, (3) melakukan penarikan kesimpulan dan verifikasi. Kesimpulan penelitian ini adalah SD Eksperimental Mangunan telah menerapkan pembelajaran humanis demokratis Mangunwijaya, yang ditandai dengan anggapan bahwa setiap anak memiliki tujuh modal dasar yang harus dimekarkan dengan berbagai program, pembelajaran yang memerdekakan anak melalui kegiatan koper (kotak pertanyaan) dan nggiwar (berfikir tidak linier), pembelajaran yang bermakna dengan menjadikan masyarakat sebagai sekolah dan sekolah sebagai masyarakat, model pembelajaran menggunakan project based learning yang mendorong siswa untuk aktif bereksploratif dan berkreasi guna menemukan pengetahuannya sendiri. This research aims to find out: (1) Y.B. Mangunwijaya's thoughts on humanistic education, (2) the implementation of humanistic education in Mangunan Experimental Elementary School. This research was a case study research using a qualitative approach. The research was conducted at the Experimental Elementary School of Mangunan Yogyakarta on July-August 2021. The subjects of this research were the Principal of the Mangunan Experimental Elementary School, the head of Dynamics of Primary Education (Dinamika Edukasi Dasar), and the teachers of Mangunan Experimental Elementary School. The research data were ...

The purpose of this study is to compare Indonesian and Malaysian elections in terms of (1) legal basis, (2) organizing institution, (3) implementation, (4) political party function, and (5) public participation. It was a library study using a qualitative approach. Documentation was used to gather information. The data were analyzed descriptively using the Miles and Haberman model. The data were collected, grouped, reduced, interpreted, and concluded. The data were interpreted based on concepts, theories, and critical analysis. Cross-checking was used as the data validity technique. The results of this study are (1) Indonesia has hosted 12 elections, some of which have been influenced by political dynamics, including Law No. 12 of 2003 concerning Elections for the 2004 Election, Law No. 10 of 2008, and Law No. 7 of 2017 concerning Elections. Malaysian elections are governed by two laws: (a) the Malaysian Law on General Election Deed 1958 and (b) the Malaysian Law on General Election Error Act 1954. (c) P.U.(A) 293/2002 concerning the General Election (Voter Registration) Regulation last amended by P.U.(A) 106/2012; (d) P.U.(A) 185/2003 concerning Election Regulation (Post Elections) 2003; (e) P.U.(A) 386/1981 concerning General Election Regulations (Execution of Grand Elections) 1981, last amended by P.U. (A) 134/2013. (2) General Election Commission (KPU) is the name of the election organizers, whereas General Election Institute is the name of the election organizers in the New Order Era (LPU). Suruhanjaya Choice Raya is the Malaysian election organizer (SPR) (3) The election system in Malaysia is simpler and more efficient. Malaysia uses the District Election System which is based on the location of the election district, not the population. The election system in Indonesia uses the proportional election system. (4) Malaysia is a constitutional monarchy and adheres to a parliamentary democracy system. Both Indonesia and Malaysia adhere to a multi-party system. (5) The average voter turnout in Malaysian elections is 85 percent, while voter turnout in Indonesia is only 74 percent. In general, Malaysian elections are worse than those in Indonesia. In Malaysia, election organizers tend to favor government parties. Suruhanjaya Choice Raya Malaysia (SPR) barred Diaspora residents in other nations from using the post in 2018, claiming that the Diaspora favored opposition parties.