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Approaching subalternity from a broad Gramscian angle, this edited collection contributes to the understanding of popular politics in parliamentary, autocratic, and colonial contexts. The book explores individual stories and micro-histories of complaints, requests, rumors, and other mediated and unmediated interactions between political institutions and the subjects they claimed to govern or represent. It challenges the approaches of institutionally oriented political historiography and its attention to the top-down construction of political representation, citizenship, and power and powerlessness. The book discusses more subtle forms of agency and the spaces these pertained to, which could indicate contestation or resistance taking place within a framework of loyalty towards the existing political institutions. This research does not only bridge the divide between political and apolitical frames of reference, but it also provides a new perspective on the dichotomy between loyalty and resistance by acknowledging the nuances of these seemingly opposing stances. With case studies from Europe, North Africa, South America, and India, the chapters cover political communication in proto-democratic, democratic, imperial, and authoritarian contexts. This volume is crucial reading for undergraduates, postgraduates, and scholars in history and social sciences who are interested in political culture and the mechanisms of negotiating local, national, or imperial identities.

This article examines the role of the print media in a campaign against political denunciations in the Grand Duchy of Finland from 1899 to 1917. It explores how the public condemnation of denunciations and denouncers evolved into a means for Finnish nationalist activists to raise national awareness and mobilise citizens against the integration policies of the Russian government. The source material includes Finnish newspapers and magazines, analysed through qualitative and computational methods, and a corpus of letters between citizens and the Governor-General. The article shows that the increase in the media coverage of denunciations was linked to the imperial integration policies, and that newspapers across party lines framed the denunciations as a national threat. The anti-denunciation campaign culminated during the revolutions of 1905 and 1917, when the nationalist news media published extensive name lists of denouncers based on findings from the confiscated papers of the imperial authorities. Overall, the article suggests that the media campaign against denunciations effectively suppressed the practice of denunciation in Finland, even if it also fostered an atmosphere of ubiquitous surveillance and may have inspired some individuals to become denouncers.

Artikkeli tarkastelee marssilaulun Vapaa Venäjä leviämistä, esityskonteksteja ja poliittisia merkityksiä 1920-luvulta toisen maailmansodan jälkeisiin vuosiin. Marssi levisi nopeasti Neuvosto-Venäjän, Suomen ja Pohjois-Amerikan välillä ja herätti eri poliittisissa ryhmissä hyvin erilaisia tunteita. Suomessa Vapaasta Venäjästä kehittyi yhtäältä kommunistisen työväestön protestin väline ja toisaalta sosiaalidemokraattien ja oikeistolaisten ärtymyksen kohde. Äänilevyjen välityksellä kappale kuitenkin murtautui ulos puhtaasti ideologisista tulkintakehyksistä ja kiinnittyi osaksi uuden suomalaisen populaarimusiikin aaltoa 1920-luvun lopussa. Hahmotan artikkelissa tätä kehitystä analysoimalla aikalaislehdistön kirjoittelua ja muistitietoa. Erittelen Vapaan Venäjän poliittisia merkityksiä myös vertaamalla sitä muihin aikakauden työväenlauluihin sekä samaan sävelmään tehtyyn, Neuvostoliitossa levinneeseen Slaavittaren jäähyväiset -marssiin.

This article addresses the transnational trajectory of the song Vapaa Venäjä (Free Russia) into a communist anthem and the object of fierce political dispute in the interwar period. By using writings to the press and oral history as source materials, the article sheds light on how Free Russia shaped political experiences in both Finland and Finnish America. The melody of Free Russia was borrowed from the Russian military march Farewell to Slavianka, and its lyrics described the Russian Revolution. For these reasons, and for allegedly glorifying Bolshevism, the march aroused fierce criticism in the Finnish non-communist media. However, Finnish communists adopted Free Russia as their instrument for protest and for outmatching the Social Democrats. For some workers, the performance of the song also served to express unity and future hopes as they travelled from Finland or North America to the Soviet Union. However, this article shows that after being recorded by the Columbia company in 1924, Free Russia also sold well as a gramophone record and was spread to new settings such as the intimate sphere of home. This contributed to the partial transition of the march from a strictly ideological context to that of internationally produced "Finnish" popular music.

Tikka and Suodenjoki explore how imported gramophone records shaped the idea of Finnish popular music and thereby fed the experiences of the nation among Finnish consumers in the late 1920s. They focus on Finnish-American records, which were imported to Finland by transnational agents during the so-called gramophone fever. As these records reached consumers, they tapped into experience communities that were based on the deep political divides of the newly independent nation-state, which had witnessed a Civil War in 1918. In a very short period of time, modern popular music, played and danced to in homes and public spaces, became a key means by which people lived out the nation and its class-based demarcations in their everyday practices. ; publishedVersion ; Peer reviewed

1. Lived Nation: Histories of Experience and Emotion in Understanding Nationalism- Ville Kivimäki, Sami Suodenjoki & Tanja Vahtikari -- 2. Lived Historiography: National History as a Script to the Past- Pertti Haapala -- Part I: Feeling and Conceptualizing the Nation -- 3. National Sentiment: Nation Building and Emotional Language in Nineteenth Century Finland- Jani Marjanen -- 4. Personal Nationalism in a Marital Relationship: Emotive and Gendering Construction of National Experience in Romantic Correspondence- Reetta Eiranen -- 5. Temporalization of Experiencing: First-Hand Experience of the Nation in Mid-Nineteenth Century Finland- Heikki Kokko -- Part II: Nation of Encounters and Conflicts -- 6. Divided Nation on Records: The Transnational Formation of Finnish Popular Music During the Gramophone Fever- Marko Tikka & Sami Suodenjoki -- 7. Red Orphans' Fatherland: Children in the Civil War of 1918 and Its Aftermath- Mervi Kaarninen -- 8. Guardians of the Soil and the Land? Smallholders Living Their Nation in Interwar Finland- Pirjo Markkola & Ann-Catrin Östman -- Part III: Experiential Edges of the Nation -- 9. National Belonging through Signed and Spoken Languages: The Case of Finland-Swedish Deaf People in the Late-Nineteenth and Early-Twentieth Centuries- Hanna Lindberg -- 10. The Ill(s) of the Nation: The Experience of Tuberculosis in Finland from the 1920s to the 1970s- Heini Hakosalo -- 11. Nimble Nationalism: Transgenerational Experiences of East Karelian Refugees in Finland and Sweden- Seija Jalagin -- Part IV: Nation Embodied and Materialized -- 12. Nocturnal Nation: Violence and the Nation in Dreams During and After World War II- Ville Kivimäki -- 13. Feeling the Nation Through Exploring the City: Urban Pedagogy and Children's Lived Experiences in Postwar Helsinki- Antti Malinen & Tanja Vahtikari -- 14. The Image of Marshal Mannerheim, Moral Panic and the Refashioning of the Nation in the 1990s- Tuomas Tepora -- Part V: Epilogue -- 15. The History of Experience: Afterword- Josephine Hoegaerts & Stephanie Olsen.

AbstractOur article discusses the adaptability of the concept of national indifference to the context of post‐war Finnish society and everyday nationalism. This period witnessed a transformation of previously exclusive and aggressive nationalism into a tempered and relatively inclusive version. Within this historical context, national indifference became an entangled category that could not be clearly attributed to a specific group of people but which carried with it a gradual change in subjective attitudes and consciousness. The case of post‐war Finland demonstrates that just as nationalism changed its shape over time, becoming subtly embedded in everyday life, so too did national indifference. The article thus argues that an increase in the level of national indifference could actually make space for national integration and, furthermore, that any given expressions of nationalism, as well as the lack of them, must be studied against the background of people's experiences, which lend historically conditioned meaning to national sentiment and indifference alike.

Matti Kurikka (1863–1915) is a multi-dimensional and controversial character in Finnish history. He was a playwright, a journalist, a socialist, and a theosophist, as well as a speaker for sexual emancipation and women's rights. Kurikka was born in Ingria, and his activities spanned not only Finland, but also Australia and North America, in both of which he led utopian communities. This biographical study explores Kurikka as a literary and political figure and a builder of utopias, whose life opens fascinating views on the societal and cultural currents of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The book critically re-evaluates earlier research on Kurikka and highlights forgotten phases of his life by using new source materials found in three continents. The sources include digitized newspapers and periodicals, Kurikka's plays and non-fictional books, oral history, and political cartoons.