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Islam has become an important symbol in post-Suharto Indonesia, and political figures or parties feel they cannot afford to be seen to be against the religion or be considered unfriendly to it. Islamism emerges to challenge Pancasila (or cultural pluralism) again. Islamists already challenged Pancasila soon after Indonesian independence. But during that initial era under Sukarno, this challenge was already under control. Under Suharto, Pancasila as an ideology was effectively used to govern Indonesia, and political Islam was suppressed. However, Suharto began to co-opt Islamic political leaders during the last decade of his rule. Religious Islam grew significantly during the Suharto era and would gradually transform itself into political Islam after Suharto's fall. Nevertheless, the electoral strength of 'Islamic political parties' remained relatively low. But since then, Islam has been used as an effective tool to undermine political rivals. The pluralists who are now in power continue to promote Pancasila, and combining with moderate Islamic organizations and through laws and regulations, have tried to hinder the further development of Islamist organizations. The future of Pancasila depends on whether the Indonesian government and other pluralist forces are able to control the Islamists and provide political stability and economic development in the country.

Preface -- part I. Understanding Beijing's policy -- 1. The rise of China and the Chinese overseas -- 2. The Chinese overseas and the "Overseas Chinese Affairs Office" -- 3. China's foreign policy vis-áa-vis the Chinese overseas -- part II. Responses to external events -- 4. Non-intervention : the 1998 anti-Chinese violence in Indonesia -- 5. Direct protection : examples from South Pacific, the Middle East and Africa -- 6. Effective protection? The 2014 anti-China/Chinese riots in Vietnam -- 7. From non-intervention to intervention? The "nude squat" episode and Chinese ambassador saga in Malaysia -- 8. To help or not to help? The Kokang Chinese problem in Myanmar -- part III. Responses to internal needs -- 9. The use of Chinese transnationalism : the Sichuan earthquake and the Beijing Olympic Games -- 10. Direct control? Beijing and the world Chinese entrepreneurs conference -- 11. "One belt one road" strategy and the Chinese overseas -- 12. Beijing's soft power bid : promotion of the Chinese language and Confucius Institutes -- part IV. New policy and its impact -- 13. Beijing's new policy : a return to Chinese transnationalism? -- 14. The impact of Beijing's changing policy

The rise of China and the Chinese overseas : a study of Beijing's changing policy in Southeast Asia and beyond -- Contents -- Preface -- Glossary -- Part I: Understanding Beijing's Policy -- Chapter 1: The Rise of China and the Chinese Overseas1 -- Chapter 2: The Chinese Overseas and the "Overseas Chinese Affairs Office" -- Chapter 3: China's Foreign Policy vis-a-vis the Chinese Overseas -- Part II: Responses to External Events -- Chapter 4: Non-Intervention: The 1998 Anti-Chinese Violence in Indonesia -- Chapter 5: Direct Protection: Examples from South Pacific, the Middle East and Africa -- Chapter 6: Effective Protection? The 2014 Anti-China/Chinese Riots in Vietnam -- Chapter 7: From Non-Intervention to Intervention? The "Nude Squat" Episode and Chinese Ambassador Saga in Malaysia -- Chapter 8: To Help or Not to Help? The Kokang Chinese Problem in Myanmar -- Part III: Responses to Internal Needs -- Chapter 9: The Use of Chinese Transnationalism: The Sichuan Earthquake and the Beijing Olympic Games -- Chapter 10: Direct Control? Beijing and the World Chinese Entrepreneurs Conference -- Chapter 11: "One Belt One Road" Strategy and the Chinese Overseas -- Chapter 12: Bejijing's Soft Power Bid: Promotion of the Chinese Language and Confucius Institutes -- Part IV: New Policy and Its Impact -- Chapter 13: Beijing's New Policy: A Return to Chinese Transnationalism? -- Chapter 14: The Impact of Beijing's Changing Policy -- Appendix: The Nationality Law of the People's Republic of China -- Bibliography -- Index.

The growing "strategic partnership" between Indonesia and China faces difficult challenges -- Foreword -- Executive Summary -- Introduction -- The Yudhoyono Presidency (20 October 2004 to 19 October 2014) -- The Jokowi Presidency (20 October 2014– ) -- Problems and Prospects.

In May 2017 the Indonesian military conducted a large-scale exercise in the Natuna Islands. This was in the wake of three incidents in 2016 that involved Chinese fishing boats. Jakarta accused the vessels of "stealing fish" within the Indonesian EEZ but Beijing considered these boats to be carrying out "regular activities in Chinese traditional fishing grounds". Both Beijing and Jakarta acknowledge that the Natuna Islands belong to Indonesia. But while the Chinese avoid mentioning the issue of the islands having an EEZ, Jakarta openly claims that the islands definitely do have an EEZ. The two countries are "strategic partners", and while China needs Indonesia to help realize some of its "One Belt One Road" ambitions, Jakarta eyes funding from Beijing to help its "Maritime Power Dream". Indonesia has adhered to its claim of being an Archipelagic State and has relied on UNCLOS to support its territorial claims. China has also openly stated that the South China Sea issue would be resolved with reference to UNCLOS. However, Indonesians are divided over the issue. There are those who wish to bring the problem to an international tribunal, because they have no faith in bilateral negotiations as a possible path to a solution. The rise of hardline Muslims in recent months and their critical view of Chinese investments in Indonesia may also affect Jakarta-Beijing relations. While the Natunas is likely to remain a perennial issue between Indonesia and China in the short to medium term, it is unlikely to derail the bilateral relationship as economics is likely to continue trumping politics in Sino-Indonesian relations, at least under Indonesian President Jokowi's administration. It is also unlikely to bring about an outright naval confrontation between Indonesia and China.

The Natunas: territorial integrity in the forefront of Indonesia-China relations -- Foreword -- Executive Summary -- Introduction -- The Archipelagic State -- A Snapshot of the Natunas -- Emergence of the Natuna Issue -- China's Responses -- Indonesia's Responses -- China's Hardening Attitude; Two Views on the Natuna Incident -- The Rise of Anti-China Sentiments -- Conclusion.

For Indonesia, which is keen to accelerate its infrastructure development, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is seen as an opportunity to tap into China's huge financial resources and technological capability. There has however been no concrete BRI project agreed to between China and Indonesia so far. While China considers all projects, including infrastructure projects and economic interactions as part of BRI, Indonesia only considers those infrastructure projects initiated during the Xi Jinping period as BRI projects. Indonesia has offered several broad areas for cooperation under the BRI framework and carefully selected project locations to minimize political risk for the Joko Widodo government. But no agreements have been signed yet as China requires detailed project proposals from Indonesia, which it has apparently not received. What appears to hamper progress are four key issues: the perception of China's economic domination, the ethnic Chinese issue, the Natuna issue, and the mainland Chinese workers issue.

Indonesia and China's belt and road initiatives: perspectives, issues and prospects -- FOREWORD -- EXECUTIVE SUMMARY -- INTRODUCTION -- ECONOMIC RELATIONS -- CHINA'S PARTICIPATION IN INFRASTRUCTURE PROJECTS IN INDONESIA AND BRI -- ISSUES IN INDONESIA–CHINA RELATIONS WHICH IMPINGE UPON BRI -- PROSPECTS.

The idea of the 'nation' is a Western concept which has been applied to Southeast Asia. It is a project which has been in progress since the last century but is still incomplete. Various theoretical frameworks which are associated with nation and nation-building in the Southeast Asian region have been briefly dealt with. The book aims to examine the making of the nations in Southeast Asia using both historical and political science approaches. Concepts related to nation such as ethnicity, state, indigenism and citizenship have also been analysed in the Southeast Asian context. Specific examples of nation-building in five major Southeast Asian countries are presented. Problems and prospects of Southeast Asia's nation-building and citizenship building in the era of globalisation are also discussed