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International audience ; Although human foraging behavior, i.e. the method used to get food procurement from thewild, is the economic criterion usually used in the academic literature in order to definehunter-gatherer societies, it is restricted neither to these societies nor to this goal. It consists ofthe extraction of natural resources by means of various techniques, such as hunting, fishingand gathering. It is applied to a broad range of wild resources – aquatic and terrestrial, plants,animals and minerals – even though in some cases it could be limited only to some of theseresources such as the non-timber forest products (NTFPs). The aim of this paper is todemonstrate that while foraging is an ubiquitous human behavior, its goals are evolving withthe passage of time. More precisely these goals that exist today have been present in someform in the past, only their importance and emphasis has changed over time and with thehistorical, sociological and ecological contexts. While subsistence seems naturally the mostobvious motivation of human foraging behavior, the latter also occurs in various contextssuch as in mixed economies. Moreover, other goals – different from the biological one – alsoexist. Indeed, foraging can be a mean to obtain a – primary or secondary – source of incomeprovided through trade of harvested wild products. Socio-cultural goals may also motivatehuman foraging behavior. They are related to culture and heritage, recreational values, or toenvironmental conservation and sustainability, the latter being exemplified for instance by therecent movement of urban foragers.

International audience ; Although human foraging behavior, i.e. the method used to get food procurement from thewild, is the economic criterion usually used in the academic literature in order to definehunter-gatherer societies, it is restricted neither to these societies nor to this goal. It consists ofthe extraction of natural resources by means of various techniques, such as hunting, fishingand gathering. It is applied to a broad range of wild resources – aquatic and terrestrial, plants,animals and minerals – even though in some cases it could be limited only to some of theseresources such as the non-timber forest products (NTFPs). The aim of this paper is todemonstrate that while foraging is an ubiquitous human behavior, its goals are evolving withthe passage of time. More precisely these goals that exist today have been present in someform in the past, only their importance and emphasis has changed over time and with thehistorical, sociological and ecological contexts. While subsistence seems naturally the mostobvious motivation of human foraging behavior, the latter also occurs in various contextssuch as in mixed economies. Moreover, other goals – different from the biological one – alsoexist. Indeed, foraging can be a mean to obtain a – primary or secondary – source of incomeprovided through trade of harvested wild products. Socio-cultural goals may also motivatehuman foraging behavior. They are related to culture and heritage, recreational values, or toenvironmental conservation and sustainability, the latter being exemplified for instance by therecent movement of urban foragers.

"Drawing on modern economic theory, this book provides new insights into the economic development of ancient economies and the sustainability of their development. The book pays particular attention to the economics of hunting and gathering societies and their diversity. New ideas are presented about theories of the transition from hunting and gathering to agriculture, including Childe's theory of this development. The Agricultural Revolution was a major contributor to economic development because in most cases, it generated an economic surplus. However, as shown, income inequality was a necessary condition for the use of this surplus to promote economic development and to avoid the Malthusian population trap. This inequality was evident in the successful operation of the palatial economies of the Minoan and Mycenaean states. Nevertheless, some post-agricultural economies proved to be unsustainable, and they 'mysteriously' disappeared. This happened in the case of the Silesian Únětice culture and population. Economic and ecological reasons for this are suggested. The nature of economic development altered with increased trade, the use of barter, and subsequently the supply of money to facilitate this trade. These developments are examined in the context of the palatial economies of Mesopotamia and Egypt. Elsewhere, multinational business made a substantial contribution to the economic growth of Phoenicia, where international trade was not determined by its natural resource endowments. Thus, Phoenician economic exchange and development provides a different set of insights. The book makes an important contribution to the understanding of the evolution of human societies and will therefore be of interdisciplinary interest including economists (especially economic historians), anthropologists and sociologists, some archaeologists, and historians"--

"Drawing on modern economic theory, this book provides new insights into the economic development of ancient economies and the sustainability of their development. The book pays particular attention to the economics of hunting and gathering societies and their diversity. New ideas are presented about theories of the transition from hunting and gathering to agriculture, including Childe's theory of this development. The Agricultural Revolution was a major contributor to economic development because in most cases, it generated an economic surplus. However, as shown, income inequality was a necessary condition for the use of this surplus to promote economic development and to avoid the Malthusian population trap. This inequality was evident in the successful operation of the palatial economies of the Minoan and Mycenaean states. Nevertheless, some post-agricultural economies proved to be unsustainable, and they 'mysteriously' disappeared. This happened in the case of the Silesian Únětice culture and population. Economic and ecological reasons for this are suggested. The nature of economic development altered with increased trade, the use of barter, and subsequently the supply of money to facilitate this trade. These developments are examined in the context of the palatial economies of Mesopotamia and Egypt. Elsewhere, multinational business made a substantial contribution to the economic growth of Phoenicia, where international trade was not determined by its natural resource endowments. Thus, Phoenician economic exchange and development provides a different set of insights. The book makes an important contribution to the understanding of the evolution of human societies and will therefore be of interdisciplinary interest including economists (especially economic historians), anthropologists and sociologists, some archaeologists, and historians"--

Economic Theory, Applications and Issues (Working Paper N°73) ; Several contemporary economists claim that 'real' economic development only occurred following the Industrial Revolution. We contend that this is only so if a narrow view is taken of what constitutes economic development, namely increasing per capita income. Given a wider perspective, we argue that economic development occurred in hunter-gatherer societies and eventually accelerated in the second stage of the Agricultural Revolution. During this stage, a small dominant class (the elite) were able to extract rent (the economic surplus) from the mass of the population (the dominated) which they could use for development purposes. As a result of this rent extraction, the bulk of the population remained at subsistence level. Nevertheless, dissipation of the rent as a result of population increase was prevented. Consequently, the Malthusian trap could be avoided and the economic surplus could be used by the elite for development or other purposes. Whether or not economic development occurred depended on how the elite allocated the economic surplus. In the second stage of the Agricultural Revolution, the economic surplus was extracted primarily in the form of staples and the exchange of commodities was mostly directly controlled by the elite. This situation changed as states became larger in size and commodities became more diverse. In the few centuries preceding the Industrial Revolution in Europe, monarchs exerted decreasing direct control over the exchange, production and use of commodities. This was particularly noticeable in England. Also devolution of increased political power to nobles and local areas added to principal-and-agent problems. Sovereigns, instead of concentrating on the extraction of the economic surplus in the form of staples, increasingly relied on its extraction and storage in the form of treasures, precious metals and gems. Monarchs (in order to maximize their net extraction) focused on increasing the number of different markets and the extent of these but at the same time, extracted rent from them in the form of levies. Consequently, this Age of Mercantilism was marked by a substantial expansion in marketing even though this was combined with royal imposts on markets. This increase in marketing activities helped to pave the way for the Industrial Revolution by altering the balance of political power and facilitating sales of the products of the Industrial Revolution. Despite this, it seems likely that the Industrial Revolution only happened as a result of the chance occurrence of a combination of events. It was not inevitable.

International audience ; This paper provides a critical analysis of the post-2015 global development agenda that the international community plans to adopt. This agenda, produced by a high-level panel of eminent persons, is based on two previous agendas-the MDGs and the SDGs. This merger is motivated by similarities in their goals, interdependence between some of their goals, and the need for improved global governance, especially with respect to global public goods. However both agendas are ill-defined and a gap exists between ends and means. The new unique agenda has numerous and varied goals which are potentially in conflict. Furthermore, the world has changed a lot since 2000 and this necessitates a change in the global development agenda. Globally there have been growing economic and social inequalities, considerable population growth and the rise of emerging economies. Subjects of increasing concern include climate change, and other environmental and sustainability issues. These need to be given greater attention in any new economic and/or political agenda than previously. It is argued that developed countries might face a dilemma between altruistic aid policies and tied aid to encourage transformation towards a green economy. Despite its shortcomings, it can be argued that the new agenda provides scope for political compromise and flexibility. This is rational if a wide view of rationality is adopted. JEL codes: O1; O19; Q5; Q56

Economic Theory, Applications and Issues (Working Paper N°73) ; Several contemporary economists claim that 'real' economic development only occurred following the Industrial Revolution. We contend that this is only so if a narrow view is taken of what constitutes economic development, namely increasing per capita income. Given a wider perspective, we argue that economic development occurred in hunter-gatherer societies and eventually accelerated in the second stage of the Agricultural Revolution. During this stage, a small dominant class (the elite) were able to extract rent (the economic surplus) from the mass of the population (the dominated) which they could use for development purposes. As a result of this rent extraction, the bulk of the population remained at subsistence level. Nevertheless, dissipation of the rent as a result of population increase was prevented. Consequently, the Malthusian trap could be avoided and the economic surplus could be used by the elite for development or other purposes. Whether or not economic development occurred depended on how the elite allocated the economic surplus. In the second stage of the Agricultural Revolution, the economic surplus was extracted primarily in the form of staples and the exchange of commodities was mostly directly controlled by the elite. This situation changed as states became larger in size and commodities became more diverse. In the few centuries preceding the Industrial Revolution in Europe, monarchs exerted decreasing direct control over the exchange, production and use of commodities. This was particularly noticeable in England. Also devolution of increased political power to nobles and local areas added to principal-and-agent problems. Sovereigns, instead of concentrating on the extraction of the economic surplus in the form of staples, increasingly relied on its extraction and storage in the form of treasures, precious metals and gems. Monarchs (in order to maximize their net extraction) focused on increasing the number of different markets ...

Working Papers on Social Economics, Policy and Development N°60 ; The international community plans to adopt a post-2015 agenda based on two previous agendas – the MDGs and the SDGs. This merger is motivated by similarities in their goals and the need for improved global governance. Both agendas are ill-defined and a gap exists between ends and means. The new unique agenda has numerous and varied goals which are potentially in conflict. Developed countries might face a dilemma between altruistic aid policies and the need for tied aid to encourage transformation towards a green economy. However, it can be argued that the new agenda provides scope for political compromise and flexibility.