Suchergebnisse

Sino-Russian relations have swayed considerably in the second millennium. During the Yeltsin era, China-Russia relations were still strong, but this changed abruptly after Putin's accession to the presidency in 2000 and his initial pro-Western adventures. This was, in no small part, due to Russia's involvement in the war on terror, together with Russia's complicity in a US military presence in Central Asia which did not go down well in Beijing. Putin's domestic constituency found his swing into Washington's fold equally awkward, which created no small amount of criticism in Russia. Convinced that things could not get much worse, Putin's acceptance of NATO's expansion into the Baltics, his approval of US withdrawal from the ABM-treaty, and his quiet consent for an American military presence in Georgia raised additional fears in the Duma, within Russian public opinion, and to some extent among the Chinese. This was perceived as a direct surrender to American superiority and aggression, and it would not last for long. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

Central Asia and China have been closely intertwined in history and today that relationship has begun to re-emerge. This article analyses the reasons for the close cooperation which has re-emerged in the 1990s and boomed in the twenty-first century. Domestic and internal factors, as well as political and economic considerations are included in the search for an explanation for current relations and future expectations. Despite the fact that China has emerged as one of the world's most powerful states, its dependence on the Central Asian states in regard to oil and gas but also domestic security is intriguing. The future of Sino-Central Asian relations is deeply embedded in joint problems and common interests, but also in fear of domination and external intervention. (J Contemp China/GIGA)

"The Arctic is changing quickly: environmentally, economically, and politically, without sustainable political and military cooperation because of the conflicts of interest among the stakeholders. Russia, Canada, the United States, the Nordic states, and non-Arctic states such as China, Japan, and others see the economic benefits from the region but struggle with addressing the security challenges and the potential environmental impact of activities conducted there. This book provides a snapshot of the areas connecting transport, environmental security, resource development, and military security with contributions written in 2021 and others written after Russia's second invasion of Ukraine."