Suchergebnisse

This article assesses the effectiveness of Poland's development cooperation as a tool for realising the role of democracy (and broader – transition experiences) exporter. The assessment implements and adapts the framework presented by Justyna Zając, who indicated that an evaluation of the effectiveness of the international role must consider the rationality of its adopted concept, the feasibility and consistency of its implementation and the degree of its approval by other participants in international relations.

Accession to the European Union (EU) significantly impacted the structure and volume of Poland's Official Development Assistance (ODA). Since 2004, most of the Polish aid has been distributed through multilateral channels (annually 73% on average), with the dominant position among them of the EU (annually 90% of multilateral ODA and at the same time 66% of total ODA). The EU remains the main administrator of Polish aid resources. Therefore, the main aim of this article is to define the contribution (both in political and financial terms) that Poland makes to the European Union's development policy. It is no less important to verify the state's activity level in shaping this policy, which is related to promoting foreign policy interests (long-term and short-term) in the EU forum.

At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).

This text attempts to answer the main research question: what opportunities and challenges are facing the development cooperation implemented by Poland in the second decade of the 21st century? The following issues were considered in the analysis: the legal and institutional framework of Polish development cooperation, its geographical and thematic concentration, and financial resources allocated to these activities. A new quality in this area of Polish policy was introduced by the Act on development cooperation adopted in 2011, as well as by the articulation, through multi‑annual programs, of the preferred specialization of Polish activities in this field. However, there are still reservations regarding the cohesion of programming of Polish development cooperation with the EU and the global development agenda, the state's fulfilment of international commitments and the level of ODA financing, due to which Poland's participation in the global ODA system remains marginal.

At the end of the second decade of the 21st century the European Union (EU) – presenting a new strategy of enlargement policy, organising an official summit of the state leaders and devoting to potential accessions the meeting of the Council of the EU – recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. Therefore, there is a reasonable question: whether the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy will affect favourably Bosnia and Herzegovina, a state considered as a potential candidate for the membership since 2003? Basing on (inter alia) official documents issued by the EU institutions, macroeconomic data and in relation to the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, it is worthwhile to suppose, that – despite numerous (political, economic, social) deficits and weaknesses – Bosnia and Herzegovina, which applied for membership in the EU in 2016, will receive the status of an official candidate country soon (in the thir d decade of the 21st c entury).

The European union (Eu) is the most generous donor of international development cooperation—it transfers more than a half of the world's Offi cial Development Assistance (ODA). In fact, the Eu development policy is depending on three major contributors: france, Germany and the united Kingdom (uK), which are also among the top countries making the largest transfers to development cooperation. However, special attention should be paid to the uK, belonging to the avant-garde of international development cooperation. The united Kingdom is not only a part of the Eu assistance wallet but also an important partner in shaping the development policy. This article attempts to answer the main research question: what impact will Brexit have on the Eu development policy? The analysis covers the political plane, and the following elements will be taken into consideration: the impact of the uK's withdrawal from the organisation on shaping the Eu development policy (its geographical and thematic concentration), and the ability to fulfi l development commitments, which were undertaken by the Member States and the organisation. Consequently, Brexit may lead to reshaping the Eu partnership with the African, Caribbean and Pacifi c Group of States (ACP), as well as undermine the Eu's ability to meet its obligations in the development area.

W 2018 roku Unia Europejska (UE) przypomniała, że przyszłość Bałkanów Zachodnich znajduje się w UE. Perspektywa "europejskiej (unijnej) przyszłości" została zaprezentowana państwom bałkańskim już piętnaście lat wcześniej, w 2003 roku, kiedy to zostały one uznane za państwa potencjalnie kandydujące do członkostwa w UE. W 2016 roku Sarajewo zawnioskowało o akcesję do Unii Europejskiej. Głównym celem niniejszego artykułu jest zatem analiza możliwości przystąpienia Bośni i Hercegowiny do UE. Niezbędne jest zidentyfikowanie - chociażby wybranych - szans i wyzwań, perspektyw i barier na drodze do dalszej integracji tego państwa z Brukselą. Tłem dla rozważań musi stać się poli­tyka Unii Europejskiej wobec regionu Bałkanów Zachodnich, która straciła na dynamice wraz z początkiem drugiej dekady XXI wieku, by w jej końcu próbować ją (z różnych względów) odzyskać. Czy na intensyfikacji polityki rozszerzenia UE może skorzystać Bośnia i Hercego­wina?

W 2018 roku Unia Europejska (UE) przypomniała, że przyszłość Bałkanów Zachodnich znajduje się w UE. Perspektywa "europejskiej (unijnej) przyszłości" została zaprezentowana państwom bałkańskim już piętnaście lat wcześniej, w 2003 roku, kiedy to zostały one uznane za państwa potencjalnie kandydujące do członkostwa w UE. W 2016 roku Sarajewo zawnioskowało o akcesję do Unii Europejskiej. Głównym celem niniejszego artykułu jest zatem analiza możliwości przystąpienia Bośni i Hercegowiny do UE. Niezbędne jest zidentyfikowanie - chociażby wybranych - szans i wyzwań, perspektyw i barier na drodze do dalszej integracji tego państwa z Brukselą. Tłem dla rozważań musi stać się poli­tyka Unii Europejskiej wobec regionu Bałkanów Zachodnich, która straciła na dynamice wraz z początkiem drugiej dekady XXI wieku, by w jej końcu próbować ją (z różnych względów) odzyskać. Czy na intensyfikacji polityki rozszerzenia UE może skorzystać Bośnia i Hercego­wina? ; In 2018 the European Union (EU) recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. The vision of an "European (Union) future" was announced to the Balkan countries fifteen years earlier, in 2003, when they were recognized as a potential candidates for membership in the EU. In 2016 Sarajevo decided to apply for membership in the European Union. Therefore, the main aim of this article is to analyse the possibility of joining the EU by Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is necessary to identify - even if chosen - opportunities and challenges, perspectives and barriers on the path to further integration of that country with Brussels. The background of these considerations must be the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, which lost its dynamics with the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century, and is trying to retrieve if for various reasons nowadays. Will Bosnia and Herzegovina benefit from the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy?

The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union – if it happens, regardless of the chosen variant – will be associated with various consequences for both sides. Brexit (British exit) will also impact the EU development policy, as London is one of the leading providers of ODA – in 2018 it financed 11.67% of its world's total, and with Germany and France ensured two thirds of the EU ODA (65.61% in 2018). This paper attempts to answer the main research question: what impact will Brexit have on the EU development policy? The analysis covers the financial plane, and the following elements will be taken into consideration: the impact of the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the organisation on the general EU budget, the European Development Fund and the sum of funds transferred to ODA by the EU institutions and its Member States, guaranteeing the status of the world's most generous donor, currently providing more than 50% of total ODA. However, I argue that in the post-2020 perspective the fact that Brexit will happen will matter more the EU'S ODA than the actual form that it will eventually take. The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European polity may be associated with a significant reduction of the financial resources at the EU's disposal and directed towards development assistance, but the European Union will remain the most important ODA donor, contributing around 41% of all global development aid.

W 2018 roku Unia Europejska (UE) przypomniała, że przyszłość Bałkanów Zachodnich znajduje się w UE. Perspektywa "europejskiej (unijnej) przyszłości" została zaprezentowana państwom bałkańskim już piętnaście lat wcześniej, w 2003 roku, kiedy to zostały one uznane za państwa potencjalnie kandydujące do członkostwa w UE. W 2016 roku Sarajewo zawnioskowało o akcesję do Unii Europejskiej. Głównym celem niniejszego artykułu jest zatem analiza możliwości przystąpienia Bośni i Hercegowiny do UE. Niezbędne jest zidentyfikowanie – chociażby wybranych – szans i wyzwań, perspektyw i barier na drodze do dalszej integracji tego państwa z Brukselą. Tłem dla rozważań musi stać się polityka Unii Europejskiej wobec regionu Bałkanów Zachodnich, która straciła na dynamice wraz z początkiem drugiej dekady XXI wieku, by w jej końcu próbować ją (z różnych względów) odzyskać. Czy na intensyfikacji polityki rozszerzenia UE może skorzystać Bośnia i Hercegowina?

In 2018 the European Union (EU) recalled that the future of the Western Balkans lies in the EU. The vision of an "European (Union) future" was announced to the Balkan countries fifteen years earlier, in 2003, when they were recognized as a potential candidates for membership in the EU. In 2016 Sarajevo decided to apply for membership in the European Union. Therefore, the main aim of this article is to analyse the possibility of joining the EU by Bosnia and Herzegovina. It is necessary to identify – even if chosen – opportunities and challenges, perspectives and barriers on the path to further integration of that country with Brussels. The background of these considerations must be the EU's policy towards the Western Balkans region, which lost its dynamics with the beginning of the second decade of the 21st century, and is trying to retrieve if for various reasons nowadays. Will Bosnia and Herzegovina benefit from the intensification of the EU's enlargement policy? ; W 2018 roku Unia Europejska (UE) przypomniała, że przyszłość Bałkanów Zachodnich znajduje się w UE. Perspektywa "europejskiej (unijnej) przyszłości" została zaprezentowana państwom bałkańskim już piętnaście lat wcześniej, w 2003 roku, kiedy to zostały one uznane za państwa potencjalnie kandydujące do członkostwa w UE. W 2016 roku Sarajewo zawnioskowało o akcesję do Unii Europejskiej. Głównym celem niniejszego artykułu jest zatem analiza możliwości przystąpienia Bośni i Hercegowiny do UE. Niezbędne jest zidentyfikowanie – chociażby wybranych – szans i wyzwań, perspektyw i barier na drodze do dalszej integracji tego państwa z Brukselą. Tłem dla rozważań musi stać się polityka Unii Europejskiej wobec regionu Bałkanów Zachodnich, która straciła na dynamice wraz z początkiem drugiej dekady XXI wieku, by w jej końcu próbować ją (z różnych względów) odzyskać. Czy na intensyfikacji polityki rozszerzenia UE może skorzystać Bośnia i Hercegowina?

Assuming that the third decade of the 21st century is a transition period between the fourth and fifth waves of terrorism, in accordance with D.C. Rapoport's concept of cyclicity of terrorism, the article focuses on the evolution of modern terrorism. The main features of the four waves of terrorism identified so far are presented sequentially. Then, reasons for initiating the decline of the fourth wave are identified and the perspectives for the constitution of the fifth wave of terrorism are explored. In the first section of the article, referring to the definition of terrorism and based on D.C. Rapoport's concept of waves of modern terrorism, we demonstrate the determining factors, characteristics and elements which constitute this phenomenon. In the subsequent sections, we seek answers to the following questions: What are the characteristic features of the previous four waves of terrorism? What factors are leading to the decline of the fourth wave of terrorism? Which characteristics of the fourth wave of terrorism may be taken over by the next wave? What are the concepts of the fifth wave of modern terrorism? Research methods and techniques appropriate for the field of social sciences, particularly political science, are used in the study.