Suchergebnisse

The study focuses, in the context of the position of Carpathian Ruthenia in the political system of the First Czechoslovak Republic, on the issue of the parliamentary elections, specifically on the representation of Carpathian Ruthenia in the Czechoslovak National Assembly. Within the issue of the parliamentary election, it highlights particularly the uneven limitations of the rules for election to the National Assembly for Carpathian Ruthenia, putting at disadvantage the easternmost tip of interwar Czechoslovakia in the central legislative body of the country. From the perspective of the political situation, it also summarizes the political stratification of the voters of the easternmost tip of the Czechoslovak Republic of that time, from the perspective of the Carpathian-Ruthenian results of the four parliamentary elections of the First Republic.

The study maps in detail the election results of the joint election list of candidates of both opposition and negativistic Hungarian minority political parties, the Land Christian-Socialist Party (Országos Keresztény Szocialista Párt; OKSzP) and the Hungarian National Party (Magyar Nemzeti Párt; MNP) in the parliamentary election held in May of 1935. The fourth parliamentary election held in 1935 constituted the last election for the Chamber of Deputies and for the Senate of the National Assembly of the First Czechoslovak Republic. The election presaged the turbulent development in the oncoming period that became a crisis period and, at the same time, a fatal period for the First Czechoslovak Republic. The results of the parliamentary election of 1935 brought considerable surprise. The opposition and, above all, negativistic Sudeten German Party (Sudetendeutsche Partei; SdP) became the general winner of the parliamentary election at national level, both in the election for the Chamber of Deputies and in the election for the Senate. The election results of both opposition and negativistic Hungarian minority political parties did not markedly differ from their election results achieved in the preceding election held in 1929. Additionally, both Hungarian parties achieved one mandate less in the Parliament, with 14 mandates in total, but 15 candidates elected from their list of candidates went to the National Assembly, similarly to 1929. Both Hungarian parties had participated in the election of 1935 in coalition together with smaller political subjects of the German minority: with the Union of Germans Settled in Slovakia and Carpathian Ruthenia (Einheit des Bodenständigen Deutschtums in Slovensko und Podkarpatská Rus) and with the Sudeten German Election Bloc (Sudetendeutscher Wahlblock; SdW).That was also a reason for which the election of 1935 allowed voting for the joint list of candidates of OKSzP and MNP also in the electoral regions in the historical countries, i.e. in Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia. One Senate mandate was achieved by a candidate of the Sudeten German Election bloc, SdW, in the electoral region of Brno. But the parliamentary representation of both political parties of the Hungarian minority, as compared to the political parties of the German minority, was virtually negligible – the Hungarian parties achieved 3% mandates in total and in the Senate, 3,3% mandates.

The study presents a brief political survey of one of the most significant personalities of the Hungarian minority in interwar Czechoslovakia of the 1930's, Count János Esterházy. The article summarizes Esterházy's political career and political attitudes not only in interwar Czechoslovakia where in 1932 he, as a politically completely unknown personality, became leader of the Hungarian Provincial Christian-Socialist Party, assuming later, in 1936, as one of the best known figures of the Czechoslovak Hungarian minority political scene already, the position of executive president of the sole central party of the Hungarian minority in the Czechoslovak state, the United Hungarian Party. The article summarizes also his second period of political career in the separated Slovak Republic (1939–1945) when he led the only permitted political party in the Slovak State, the Slovak Hungarian Party, being at the same time the sole representative of the Slovak Hungarian minority in the Slovak parliament. Attention is paid also to his tragic fate after World War II when he was first carted off to GULAG work camps in the Soviet Union and subsequently sentenced in his absence in Czechoslovakia to death by hanging.

The goal of the study is to summarize shortly the complicated situation of persons of German and Hungarian nationality in Czechoslovakia after World War II on the background of their legislatively set general work obligation. An overwhelming majority of Czechoslovak Germans and Hungarians lost their citizenship due to government measures, losing all their civil, property, social and national rights by it. The study summarizes the basic legislative measures of the Czechoslovak government from 1945 and 1946 concerning persons without citizenship, in this case members of the German and Hungarian minorities who were markedly restricted also in labour-law area. It outlines the issue of forced work obligation of such persons, paying attention particularly to the mass transfer of Hungarians from Slovakia to Bohemia in the capacity as farm workers. The source base of the study consists of legislative documents from the Collection of Acts and Decrees and selected documents from the General Archive of the Czech and Moravian Confederation Trade Unions. The restrictive measures in labour-law area had stronger impact on the Czechoslovak Hungarians whose destiny had not been decided in 1945 and 1946 yet, while most Germans concerned by the restrictive measures in labour-law area were gradually displaced in 1945 and particularly in 1946, so that the Germans had to deal with the burden of the labour-law restriction and forced labour according to the needs of the state only temporarily. In connection with the transfer of the Germans, Czechoslovakia had to deal with growing absence of labour in the labour market, trying to solve it also by acquiring labour from abroad, for example by unsuccessful recruitment of Italian workers.

On 1 August 1919, the "soviet" government of the Hungarian Republic of Councils was substituted by standard civic cabinet consisting of opposition trade union leaders (so called Gyula Peidl's trade union cabinet) again. But its life was not long; it was in power only six days. The position of the cabinet was made difficult by the sluggishness of the Paris Peace Conference that did not want to recognize promptly the new Budapest Government and waited for its first steps. But the Entente Powers underestimated their ally, Rumania that made use of the chaotic situation in the country and occupied the capital of Hungary with its army during a few days, in spite of the disapproval of the Entente Powers of further military operations of the Rumanian units in Hungary after the fall of "Kun's" regime. The insufficient foreign-political support of Peidl's government, together with the chaotic internal situation in the country, multiplied with the military presence of the Rumanian army in the country, decapitated the post-soviet government finally on 6 August 1919.

The goal of the study is to describe the attitude of Budapest to the election of the President of the Republic in Czechoslovakia in December 1935, electing the successor to Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, the first President of the Czechoslovak Republic who had been in office long years. The election of the President of the Czechoslovak Republic in late 1935 was the first presidential election with active participation of the opposition and negativistic Hungarian minority legislators of the Czechoslovak National Assembly from both Hungarian minority parliamentary parties, the Land Christian-Socialist Party (OKSzP) and the Hungarian National Party (MNP) who had always cast empty votes in presidential elections until that time, to declare their negativistic attitude to the constitutional limits of the Czech Republic. In 1935, they even supported the presidential candidate Edvard Beneš, the Foreign Minister to whom the Hungarian minority political representation including the very Budapest had a very negative attitude as he had been one of the main architects of the Versailles rearrangement of Central Europe after World War I, refused by the Hungarians, as the Hungarian state had lost two thirds of its territory and about seven hundred and fifty thousand Hungarians landed in Czechoslovakia in position of national and non-state-constituting minority due to it. But in spite of that fact, the Hungarian minority legislators from OKSzP and MNP, with political support of Budapest, sided with Beneš's candidacy; thus the Hungarian minority was the only one out of the two large negativistic national minorities of the Czechoslovak Republic of that time, besides the minority Germans whose representatives in the Czechoslovak Parliament, on behalf of the opposition and negativistic OKSzP and MNP parties took an activistic attitude, increasing the national-political and the foreign-political prestige of Edvard Beness presidential mandate. ; 73 ; 84

The goal of the study is to describe the attitude of Budapest to the election of the President of the Republic in Czechoslovakia in December 1935, electing the successor to Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, the first President of the Czechoslovak Republic who had been in office long years. The election of the President of the Czechoslovak Republic in late 1935 was the first presidential election with active participation of the opposition and negativistic Hungarian minority legislators of the Czechoslovak National Assembly from both Hungarian minority parliamentary parties, the Land Christian-Socialist Party (OKSzP) and the Hungarian National Party (MNP) who had always cast empty votes in presidential elections until that time, to declare their negativistic attitude to the constitutional limits of the Czech Republic. In 1935, they even supported the presidential candidate Edvard Beneš, the Foreign Minister to whom the Hungarian minority political representation including the very Budapest had a very negative attitude as he had been one of the main architects of the Versailles rearrangement of Central Europe after World War I, refused by the Hungarians, as the Hungarian state had lost two thirds of its territory and about seven hundred and fifty thousand Hungarians landed in Czechoslovakia in position of national and non-state-constituting minority due to it. But in spite of that fact, the Hungarian minority legislators from OKSzP and MNP, with political support of Budapest, sided with Beneš's candidacy; thus the Hungarian minority was the only one out of the two large negativistic national minorities of the Czechoslovak Republic of that time, besides the minority Germans whose representatives in the Czechoslovak Parliament, on behalf of the opposition and negativistic OKSzP and MNP parties took an activistic attitude, increasing the national-political and the foreign-political prestige of Edvard Beness presidential mandate.

The study deals with the legislative rules for the state-bound sugar industry in the Czechoslovak Republic in early 1920s. During 1918–1921, the sugar industry was stabilized under the direction of the Czechoslovak Sugar Commission that was gradually increasingly dominated and controlled by the government. The said Commission gradually started absolutely controlling all sugar production with the help of government decrees. Specific legislative measures are analyzed from the perspective of statistical indicators of that time. Although the given immediate period is related with regulated economy, the legal regulations were more liberal in some matters than those existing before the establishment of the independent Czechoslovak state. The efforts of that time resulted in a relatively fast stabilization of postwar sugar industry, bringing considerable profit to the state. In the short period, it was an efficient way of solution of the given issue both for the new territorial unit and, in a sense, for the consumers too.

The submitted study analyses the legislative and organisational-political framework in building up a health system in Czechoslovakia, specifically in the historical lands (Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia) in the first decade of its existence using unpublished and published sources and academic publications. Not only did the Czechoslovak health system build on its predecessor in the Habsburg Monarchy, but in addition almost immediately following the establishment of the new state in 1918, adopted legislation began the construction of a modern and respected healthcare system in terms of both organisation and funding.