Suchergebnisse

Abstract
The construction of names and the use of nobility titles is not regulated by European Union law. Yet the Court of Justice of the EU has had to deal with such issues on various occasions where national rules on names or titles had to be contrasted with the EU law on equal treatment, Union citizenship and free movement and residence. Rules on names fall essentially within the competence of the member states, but the states have to regard EU law when exercising this competence. Our paper undertakes to analyse this issue in light of a recent relevant judgment, the Bogendorff von Wolffersdorff case, having regard also to the Court's reasoning regarding the national constitutional identity clause [Art 4 (2)TEU]. We argue – inter alia – that the Court of Justice decided in this judgment not to favour the rights of a free-moving EU citizen (even if the judgment admittedly affects only a limited circle of individuals) and put national constitutional identity first, yet the way in which the identity clause was used by the Court is also debatable in our view.

In a case of first impression, the Constitutional Court of Hungary (CCH or Court) ruled on November 30, 2016 that, in exceptional cases, it is competent to consider whether Hungary's obligations to the European Union (EU) violate fundamental individual rights (including human dignity) or Hungarian sovereignty as protected by the Hungarian Constitution. The decision places Hungary squarely within the growing group of EU member states whose constitutional courts have decided that, despite the decisions of the European Court of Justice regarding the primacy of EU law, EU member states are not compelled to violate their domestic constitutional obligations in carrying out their shared EU commitments.

Das letzte Jahrzehnt brachte große Veränderungen in der Anpassung von Minderheitsgemeinschaften in Südost- und Mitteleuropa. Neue, von diesen Ländern adaptierte Maßnahmen und Instrumente beruhen häufig auf internationalen Standards und den Empfehlungen von internationalen Organisationen. Eine neue Phase der EU-Konditionalitätspolitik ist nun für Länder eingetreten, die die EU-Mitgliedschaft anstreben. Neben der Konditionalitätspolitik von Europarat und EU-Mitgliedschaftspolitik hatte in den Fällen Kosovo und Mazedonien das Eingreifen von internationalen Gremien einen direkten Einfluss auf die nationale Minderheitenpolitik. Neue Institutionen der Minderheitenselbstverwaltung, von gewählten und nicht gewählten beratenden Gremien und neue Lösungen für eine parlamentarische Repräsentation haben sich herausgebildet. Das Buch befasst sich mit diesen Themen und bietet eine Analyse verschiedener Formen der "effektiven Teilhabe" von Minderheiten im öffentlichen Leben, den Effekten der europäischen Integration und ausführliche Fallstudien der verschiedenen von den Staaten angenommenen Modelle.

The past decade has shown great changes in the accommodation of minority communities into South-East European and Central European countries. New measures and instruments adopted in these countries often rely on international standards and on the recommendations of international organisations. A new phase of EU conditionality policy has been developed towards SEE countries aspiring to EU membership. Besides the conditionality policy of international organisations – the Council of Europe and EU membership policy –, in the case of Kosovo and Macedonia the intervention of international bodies had a direct influence on domestic policies towards minorities. New bodies of minority self-governments, of elected and non-elected consultative bodies and new solutions for their parliamentary representation have emerged. This book addresses these issues by offering an analysis of different forms of 'effective participation' for minorities in public life, the effects of European integration and detailed case studies of the different models adopted by these states.

- Conflict Prevention and the Responsibility to Protect in Africa, Kenneth Mpyisi and Tim Murithi - Whose Responsibility to Protect? Reflection on the Dynamics of an 'Abandoned Disorder' in Somalia, Sadiki Koko - The Responsibility to Protect, as Enshrined in Article 4 of the Constitutive Act of the African Union, Tim Murithi - Critical Analysis of Africa's Experiments with Hybrid Missions and Security Collaboration, Timothy Othieno and Nhamo Samasuwo - Security Alerts and their Impacts on Africa, Wafula Okumu - Trends and markers: Global Peace Index - Peace, Security and the African Peer Review Mechanism: Are the Tools up to the Task?, Steven Gruzd - The Pitfalls of Action and Inaction: Civilian Protection in MONUC's Peacekeeping Operations, Joshua Marks - Pursuing Sustainable Peace Through Post-conflict Peacebuilding: The Case of Sierra Leone, Theo Neethling - Conflict Prevention and Early Warning Mechanisms in West Africa: A Critical Assessment of Progress, Issaka K Souaré - Historical Duty or Pragmatic Interest? Notes on EU and AU Security Issues, Norbert Tóth - Greasing the Wheels of Reconciliation in the Great Lakes Region, Joseph Yav Katshung