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"North American and Australian LGBT Movement and Interest Groups" published on by Oxford University Press.

This paper explores an anomaly in gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights policy, laws allowing transsexual individuals to amend their birth certificates. Unlike most other LGBT rights policies, these statutes are often found in Southern and other conservative states. In fact, these laws are found in half of the Southern states. The array of states with these laws does not conform to the traditional pattern of morality politics laws that is commonly associated with LGBT rights. Using a Cox non-proportional hazards model, we find that the adoption of these laws was influenced by vertical diffusion of the Centers for Disease Control's model vital records recommendations. States with more professionalized bureaucracies, like Virginia and Georgia, were more likely to implement these recommended best practices. However, as transgender rights became more closely associated with the gay rights advocacy movement, this issue likely resembles morality policy. The result being that liberal and conservative elites respond to these policies in predictable manners. Notably, the political opportunity structure in Southern states has not allowed the passage of this type of statute since the incorporation of transgender rights into the LGBT social movement during the mid-1990s.

Domain‐specific measures, such as political ideology and sophistication, have been used in models of how citizens evaluate candidates for political office. Non‐domain‐specific factors, such as age, may have additional explanatory power in models of evaluations and affect the type of information processing strategies employed by citizens. Specifically, the use of person‐ and issue‐based information in evaluation strategies may be affected by the cognitive structure of aging, including the acquisition of person impression skills and resources. We test this hypothesis using the Pooled Senate Election Study (1988–92) and the 1974 American National Election Study. The analysis reveals that younger citizens base their evaluations mostly on issue‐based criteria, but as citizens age they add person‐based criteria to their evaluations. Implications for decision‐making models are discussed.

Domain-specific measures, such as political ideology & sophistication, have been used in models of how citizens evaluate candidates for political office. Non-domain-specific factors, such as age, may have additional explanatory power in models of evaluations & affect the type of information processing strategies employed by citizens. Specifically, the use of person- & issue-based information in evaluation strategies may be affected by the cognitive structure of aging, including the acquisition of person impression skills & resources. We test this hypothesis using the Pooled Senate Election Study (1988-92) & the 1974 American National Election Study. The analysis reveals that younger citizens base their evaluations mostly on issue-based criteria, but as citizens age they add person-based criteria to their evaluations. Implications for decision-making models are discussed. 3 Tables, 40 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article compares the assumptions of welfare reform with the way the program is actually implemented to show the underlying contradictions in the way policy is politically justified and implemented. The results of focus group discussions with women on welfare in four rural Appalachian Ohio counties demonstrate the disparities between the top-down goals of welfare policy and the bottom-up perceptions of their outcomes.

What constitutes effective leadership by county commissioners in the implementation of welfare reform? How do contextual factors influence leadership? Findings are based on interviews and surveys of county commissioners in Appalachian Ohio, conducted in 2000. We focus on county commissioners' relationships with Ohio's Department of Job and Family Services and with county welfare agency directors, and on the commissioners' perspectives on devolution. Commissioners provide mixed assessments of the state, but uniformly positive reviews of county welfare agency directors and the concept of devolution. Evidence exists of effective leadership, but it is limited in nature. We discuss lessons learned about the implementation of welfare reform by county government. When asked for an example of a county commissioner exercising leadership for the betterment of welfare policy in an Appalachian Ohio county, a former state official did not have to think very hard. He cited the case of a commissioner who used her status in the community to pull together representatives from a local college, the Community Action Committee, the county's economic development office, and the local welfare agency. These four organizations that often operated in a disjointed manner, combined forces on several goals. These included bringing new jobs to the county, conducting a needs analysis related to broadband communication, and working with the private sector in order to implement welfare reform goals. The official concluded that actions such as this were relatively rare; he estimated that no more than 15% of commissioners exercised such leadership skills (Kalis 2001). What constitutes effective leadership by county commissioners? To what extent is leadership constrained by contextual factors, such as the rural nature of Appalachian Ohio counties and the skills of welfare agency directors? These questions are at the heart of this paper

Policy regarding the inclusion of transgender soldiers in the U.S. Military has shifted back and forth in recent years, with public opinion likely a significant factor shaping the eventual policy outcome. As such, this study examines the factors that shape public attitudes toward military service by transgender people. In particular, we examine the influence of sex, social gender roles, and attitudes toward gender in shaping transgender military service attitudes. Further, we hypothesize that personal experiences with the military and with transgender people, along with values, personality predispositions, and religion, are likely to influence individual attitudes. We test these hypotheses using data from a unique October 2015 national survey of American adults. The results suggest that personal experiences, attitudes toward gender roles, and religion have substantial but sometimes conditional effects on attitudes toward military service by transgender people.

Policy regarding the inclusion of transgender soldiers in the U.S. military has shifted back and forth in recent years, with public opinion likely a significant factor shaping the eventual policy outcome. As such, this study examines the factors that shape public attitudes toward military service by transgender people. In particular, we examine the influence of sex, social gender roles, and attitudes toward gender in shaping transgender military service attitudes. Further, we hypothesize that personal experiences with the military and with transgender people, along with values, personality predispositions, and religion, are likely to influence individual attitudes. We test these hypotheses using data from a unique October 2015 national survey of American adults. The results suggest that personal experiences, attitudes toward gender roles, and religion have substantial, but sometimes conditional effects on attitudes towards military service by transgender people. ; University of toledo ; University of Kansas ; UCLA school of law ; Ohio University

Fears, phobias, and dislikes about minorities should be strong determinants of whether Americans support policies protecting such minorities. Studies suggest that discussions and information about transgender people can reduce transphobia. However, these studies also indicate that experimental treatments do not necessarily affect individual attitudes on policies concerning transgender rights. Scholars contend that durably reducing prejudice should increase public support for minority rights. In this study, we examine this causal mechanism utilizing an experiment. We find that reducing transphobia is a reliable mechanism to increase public support for transgender rights. These results are robust to causal identification assumptions, suggesting that this mechanism provides a clear avenue for stigmatized groups to increase public support of rights for those groups.