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"This book depicts an evolving form of state-society relations in China, through uncovering new trends and dynamics of urban neighborhood governance since the 2000s. It introduces the thesis of hybrid authoritarianism, a governance mechanism employed in China to produce governance legitimacy, public support, and regime sustainability at the grassroots level."--

Governing Neighborhoods in Urban China examines the key mechanisms, operating at the grassroots level, which contribute to urban developmentand and increased public support for the legitimacy and authority of the Chinese state. Through the uncovering of new trends and dynamics of urban neighborhood governance in China since the 2000s, Beibei Tang examines the key mechanisms that contribute to the regime survival. Beibei Tang introduces the concept of hybrid authoritarianism, a governance mechanism employed in an authoritarian state to produce governance legitimacy, public support, and regime sustainability. Hybrid authoritarianism is situated in an intermediary governance space connecting state and society. It accommodates both state and non-state actors, deals with a wide range of governance issues, employs flexible governance strategies, and in this context, ultimately strengthens CCP leadership. Tang documents processes of hybrid authoritarianism through her focus on various types of urban neighborhoods, including new urban middle-class neighborhoods and the increasing urbanization of the countryside. Governing Neighborhoods in Urban China provides a conceptual framework that avoids scholarly approaches that tend to reify either one-party autocracy or Western-centric notions of democracy

Introduction -- Prestige and privilege : three types of gated community and two groups of housing middle class -- Formation of China's housing middle class : home ownership and "the system" impact -- Privilege beyond salary : reward distribution and socioeconomic status -- Bifurcated lifestyles : consumption, social relationships and perceptions -- Middle class homeowner activism : the limits of participation in neighbourhood governance -- Conclusion the housing middle class and social stratification in urban China -- Appendix.

"Home ownership plays a significant role in locating the middle class in most western societies, associated with market, consumerism, democracy and 6 eople like us", the significant features of the middle class for any society. In China, private home ownership was not the norm from 1949, when the Chinese Communist Party took power, until the 1990s. In the past three decades, however, there has been a fast growing housing consumption and private homeowners have become the most significantly changing aspect of Chinese urban life. In particular, the rise of gated communities has become a predominant feature of the urban landscape. Similar to their western counterparts, the gated communities in China exemplify 6 igh status" symbols with enclosed and restricted residential areas, exclusive community parks and recreational facilities, and professional management and security services. But different from western societies where gated communities usually represent luxurious lifestyles only limited to a small group of people, in urban China gated communities have become one major form of supply in the housing market and one of the most popular and desirable choices for homebuyers. Private home ownership and residency in gated communities, altogether characterize the most significant aspect of comfort living and distinct lifestyles of China's new middle classes who have successfully got ahead in the socialist market economy. This book examines the formation of 6 hina's housing middle class". It develops a theoretical argument about, and provides empirical evidence of the heterogeneity of China's new middle class, which underlines the relations between the state, market and life chances under a socialist market economy. As such it will be of huge interest to students and scholars of Chinese society, sociology and politics."--Provided by publisher

This article examines the so-called "grid governance" scheme, a widely used grassroots governance strategy implemented in urban China in recent years. Drawing on data collected in multiple cities from 2011 to 2016, it analyses in what ways, and to what extent, the state employs the grid governance scheme to resolve neighbourhood conflicts and reinforce governance in Chinese urban middle-class neighbourhoods. The findings highlight complex interactions under the scheme among the residents, the state and market actors in neighbourhood governance, including the resident volunteers, residents' social groups, residents' committees and property management companies. By coopting middle-class resident volunteers, maximizing the existing political influence of the retired urban elites, and establishing Party organizations in middle-class residential communities, the grid governance scheme has become a major vehicle for resident mobilization and conflict resolution, and a key governance mechanism to reinforce the Party's leadership in middle-class neighbourhoods. (China Q/GIGA)

AbstractThis article examines the so-called "grid governance" scheme, a widely used grassroots governance strategy implemented in urban China in recent years. Drawing on data collected in multiple cities from 2011 to 2016, it analyses in what ways, and to what extent, the state employs the grid governance scheme to resolve neighbourhood conflicts and reinforce governance in Chinese urban middle-class neighbourhoods. The findings highlight complex interactions under the scheme among the residents, the state and market actors in neighbourhood governance, including the resident volunteers, residents' social groups, residents' committees and property management companies. By coopting middle-class resident volunteers, maximizing the existing political influence of the retired urban elites, and establishing Party organizations in middle-class residential communities, the grid governance scheme has become a major vehicle for resident mobilization and conflict resolution, and a key governance mechanism to reinforce the Party's leadership in middle-class neighbourhoods.

This article examines intermediary governance space in China's urban neighbourhood governance. It identifies new local governance mechanisms and state-society relations through which urban and rural governance intertwine to interact with landless farmers during their introduction to and settlement in existing urban neighbourhoods. Through qualitative data collected in Suzhou, this study reveals the emergence of an intermediate governance space at the neighbourhood level, involving intermediary governance actors and organisations including agents of the Party-state, market groups, and social organisations. In the context of relocation communities, this article examines: how residents' committees are put into place to carry out governance tasks; in what ways the land-losing farmers organise themselves and are mobilised to adjust to a new residential environment, and to what extent conflicts of interest are moderated within the neighbourhoods. The findings suggest dynamics of emerging intermediary governance space and actors in relocation communities. Performing as the liaison between the Party-state and the relocated villagers, the intermediary actors and organisations employ flexible practices and strategies in negotiating the relations between the state, the market, and the citizens produced through neighbourhood governance affairs. (China Perspect/GIGA)

AbstractThis paper examines the mechanisms of deliberation and conflict resolution in Chinese urban middle-class residential communities. Along with the rise of private home ownership and urban middle-class residential estates, disputes and conflicts have risen between the residents, resident self-elected organization (homeowner associations), real estate developer and property management companies, and the local government. Through the lens of deliberation in middle-class neighborhoods, this paper analyzes (1) how and to what extent deliberation is introduced and employed as an instrumental tool by the local government to achieve their goal of maintaining social stability. (2) In what ways and to what extent deliberation has served as part of governance strategies. And (3) whether and how the state and non-state actors interact with each other during this process to produce more democratic governance under the Party-state's authoritarian rule. This paper adopts a systemic approach to examine authoritarian deliberation as a neighborhood governance strategy. The findings suggest that (1) deliberation has become an instrumental tool for conflict resolution introduced by the local government to middle-class neighborhoods. Residents' Committees, on behalf of the state, has become key coordinator and mediator during the deliberation process. (2) The systemic approach of authoritarian deliberation includes a mix of deliberative elements and other features of political culture, traditions, strategies, and institutions. The dynamic interactions between deliberation and authoritarianism, between deliberative and non-deliberative features, and between formal deliberative meetings and informal deliberative talks all contribute to a functional deliberative system.

Since 2011 China's new nationwide system of neighborhood aged care has invited nonstate organizations to carry out aged care provision in urban residential communities. This article examines how this nationwide program has been variously implemented at local levels. Based on case studies in the cities of Shenyang, Suzhou, and Guangzhou, the article identifies three types of models for aged care: (1) state dominated, (2) partial outsourcing to commercial enterprises under direct state management, and (3) collaboration with autonomous nonprofit organizations. The three case studies highlight the varying degrees of autonomy that nonstate actors and organizations have acquired to carry out local progams which provide community services. A few important factors, including the local political economy, the supply and demand for government-purchased services, and socialist legacies, together contribute to various modes of neighborhood aged care. The findings reflect evolving state-society relations and demonstrate the flexibility and diversity of local governance in China. (China J/GIGA)

AbstractChina's urbanization has created a large number of urban villages which, although they have been transferred to urban administration, have maintained their collective economies. Using a comparative perspective, this article investigates how villagers, the village collectives and the urban administration organize community governance in three urban villages on the fringes of the cities of Guangzhou, Wuhan and Shenyang. The findings suggest that successful village collective shareholding companies play a leading role in community governance by providing villagers with economic and social welfare, subsidizing community administration services, and mobilizing residents. The comparative analysis also shows that village shareholding companies employ different mechanisms based on the varied histories of their village collective economies, the ability of the village collectives to mobilize resources, and the degree to which the village collectives are engaged in the grassroots administrative structure. The article argues that the "not rural but not urban" governance mode of the urban villages illustrates China's fragmented urbanization planning. At the same time, it illuminates the dynamics of state–society relations during China's urbanization and how landless villagers and village collectives respond to urban transformation by adopting different strategies to preserve their individual and collective interests.

China's urbanization has created a large number of urban villages which, although they have been transferred to urban administration, have maintained their collective economies. Using a comparative perspective, this article investigates how villagers, the village collectives and the urban administration organize community governance in three urban villages on the fringes of the cities of Guangzhou, Wuhan and Shenyang. The findings suggest that successful village collective shareholding companies play a leading role in community governance by providing villagers with economic and social welfare, subsidizing community administration services, and mobilizing residents. The comparative analysis also shows that village shareholding companies employ different mechanisms based on the varied histories of their village collective economies, the ability of the village collectives to mobilize resources, and the degree to which the village collectives are engaged in the grassroots administrative structure. The article argues that the "not rural but not urban" governance mode of the urban villages illustrates China's fragmented urbanization planning. At the same time, it illuminates the dynamics of state-society relations during China's urbanization and how landless villagers and village collectives respond to urban transformation by adopting different strategies to preserve their individual and collective interests. (China Q/GIGA)

This article examines the mechanisms of conflict resolution by public deliberation in Chinese urban residential communities. The analysis focuses on the interactions between three key actors of community life: Residents' Committees (as the agent of the state), residents, and their representative organizations. Based on empirical data from three types of urban communities, the article finds that deliberation is more effective in communities where the power of Residents' Committees over residents is weak, and deliberation also works better in communities with strong resident representatives who are able to mobilize information flows and to shape public reasoning. The findings suggest that, on the one hand, the governance structure of Chinese urban residential communities provides space for informal, unstructured public deliberation; on the other hand, deliberation also meets obstacles and dilemmas associated with representation, coordination and fostering understanding across social and economic divisions. (China J/GIGA)