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Intro -- Acknowledgement -- Contents -- List of Figures -- 1: Introduction -- Climate Crisis, Education and Radical Social Change -- Can Education Really Help to Change Society? -- References -- 2: Curriculum Struggles: Knowledge, Truth … Action? -- School Curriculum as Climate Battleground -- Getting Stuck in the Core Grammar of Schooling -- Adding to the Curriculum or Changing Paradigms? -- From Knowledge to Action? The Limitations of Curricular Movements for Change -- References -- 3: Nudging and Informal Learning -- Green Nudges and the Climate Crisis -- Problems with Nudges -- Critical Sociology of Education and the Hidden Curriculum -- Progressive Education and the Third Teacher -- References -- 4: Pedagogies of Hope and Fear -- What's the Matter with Hope? -- Fear and Anxiety in Climate Change Education -- Paulo Freire, bell hooks and a Pedagogy of Hope -- Emotions and Educating for Radical Social Change -- References -- 5: Thinking Through Places -- The Centrality of Place in Environmental Education -- Connecting with Nature? -- Land Education and the Damages of Colonialism -- Uneven Geographies and Environmental Justice -- Local Places in a Global Economy -- References -- 6: Children & -- Youth Can Change the World! -- Children and Youth Are Agents of Change! -- On Collective Actions and School Climate Strikes -- Behind Every Great (Young) Climate Activist… -- What About the Adults? -- References -- 7: The Role of Self Interest -- Climate Change Education: Post-Political Discourse and Win-Win Framing -- Alinsky, Community Organizing and the Importance of Self Interest -- Democratic Education and Consciousness Raising -- Critical Pedagogy and the Contestation of Dominant Group Interests -- Instrumental and Emancipatory Models of Climate Change Education -- References -- 8: Learning Power & -- Taking Collective Action.

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- 1: Introduction: A Case of Ambivalence, Uncertainty and Contradiction -- The Research Study -- Outline of the Argument -- A Note on the Presentation of the Research Data -- References -- 2: Educational Equality, Higher Education and the Nation State -- Educational Equality and the Nation State -- Educational Equality in Higher Education -- Equality in the Educational Internationalization Literature -- Educational Internationalization and the Global Justice Literature -- References -- 3: International Students in the UK: Caught Between Market Forces and Immigration Targets -- International Students as a Major UK Export Industry -- Immigration Crackdown: International Students as Suspects -- Fighting Back: Protecting International Students or the International Student Industry? -- The Case of Students from the European Union -- References -- 4: The Fragmentation of Equality in the Internationalized University -- Institutional Fragmentation -- Spatial Fragmentation -- Temporal Fragmentation -- Erasure of the Public Aspect of Educational Equality -- The Abandonment of Foundational Equality Principles -- References -- 5: Equality Remains: Stubborn Attachments to Ideals of Educational Justice -- (Educational) Equality in the Global Sphere -- Competition Between Nations, Competing National Agendas and Nation State Universalism -- Competition Among UK Universities and Higher Education Sector Differentiation -- Stubborn Equality Commitments of University Staff and Students -- (1) The Engineering Tutor -- (2) The Business School Program Leader -- (3) The English Language Center Director -- (4) The Freire-Inspired Teacher Trainer -- Educational Equality and the Dual Regime of UK Higher Education -- References -- 6: The Question of International Tuition Fees: Cash Cows and Silent Elephants.

Two of the most important social policy agendas of the Welsh state in the contemporary period are the attempt to revitalize the Welsh language – through the promotion of Welsh medium education, in particular – and the effort to eliminate regional inequality and poverty – most recently, through the government's Communities First programme. This article recounts the history of a cool and sometimes fractious relationship between a Welsh medium secondary school and a low income, Communities First neighbourhood in the south Wales valleys, in order to highlight some limitations in each of these agendas, and the problems that can arise when these agendas have not been fully integrated. The disconnection between the projects of language revitalization and neighbourhood regeneration may be seen as a local manifestation of a more general split, in Wales as elsewhere today, between what Nancy Fraser calls a 'politics of recognition' and a 'politics of redistribution'.

We are accustomed to linking education and skill with mobility and opportunity. In recent education, employment and especially immigration policy in Britain, however, the discourse of education and skill is being used to create a segregated and inegalitarian society, in which privileges and rights are granted to a small elite while being denied to the rest of the population. Education and skill, paradoxically, which are supposed to set us free and empower us are in actuality used to divide, control and deflect our demands for justice and equality. To address problems of injustice and inequality in Britain today, for both immigrants and the native-born alike, we need to challenge the common sense acceptance of discrimination between the high and low skilled, as well as the hegemony of the language of skill itself.

Wages and working conditions for youth in the low‐end service sector are notoriously dismal. Recent attempts to use collective action to improve these conditions, however, have been limited in number and effectiveness. Addressing the situation requires attention to many of the same issues that concern labor overall. But sooner or later, youth labor organizing must also deal with the "higher education question"—indeed, it is the engagement with higher education that helps define young workers as a distinctive group in the first place. The question is this: What should a social and economic justice movement demand of higher education? Or, what do we need from higher education to move toward a just society? Until we have a clear answer, it is likely that we will continue to struggle to understand and address the problem of low‐wage youth employment.

Is it possible that our thinking on the question of college access and economic inequality is back to front? At a time when some young Americans are quite literally dying to go to college—the primary reason now cited by young recruits for enlisting in the U.S. military is their desire to obtain financial assistance for college—we need to take a serious second look at what is being said and done with higher education and young people in this country. Now that alternative historical avenues for social and economic advancement (for example, industry-wide unionization and expanding public sector employment) have been shut down or obstructed, going to college remains the only legitimate, large-scale means for getting ahead. Yet even as demand for college education swells across the nation, the sobering truth is that college, in its current form at least, can help only a few of us resolve our labor market difficulties. According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, no more than 30 percent of jobs in the United States currently, and for the foreseeable future, will require a college degree.

Discusses the wage gap between groups of different educational attainment in the US today -- from high school graduates to those with bachelor's, master's, doctoral, & postdoctoral degrees, the latter of whom earn about four times as much as high school graduates. Universities recruit students using these statistics. Focus here is on what this practice means for the public good & social equality. The public response is to make higher level education available to more people; eg, the armed forces recruit by promising to pay for enlistees' higher education. But having more people with college degrees simply means that a bigger slice of the pie of economic development goes to them, leaving less to distribute among those who don't or can't go to college. It is contended that the relationship between higher education & the public good needs to be reframed. An effort must be made to reduce the impact of education on wealth & wages & increase the public good -- the good of all -- socially, culturally, politically, & economically. J. Stanton