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International Relations (IR) scholarship on Global Social Movements (GSMs) has helped usher in post-realist theories, such as constructivism and critical IR. Despite its innovativeness, extant GSM research is limited because it ignores the relevance of the Global Animal Advocacy Movement (GAAM), which seeks to end animal exploitation. The omission of GAAM is emblematic of IR's anthropocentric disregard of the relevance of animals in global politics. An emergent literature recognizes the importance of animals in IR, and this paper contributes to the establishment of this animal-inclusive IR by examining the significance of GAAM. First, it demonstrates that GAAM fits the criteria of a GSM; therefore, it is worthy of study in IR. Additionally, this paper argues that IR should recognize that nonhuman animals also participate in GAAM. Both arguments not only demonstrate GAAM's relevance, but they should also contribute to the development of an animal-inclusive IR. The paper closes by advocating for a methodologically diverse research agenda on GAAM.

Though the "descriptive" representation of African Americans in the FL state legislature increased steadily following the Voting Rights Act of 1965 & subsequent redistricting measures, it is unclear whether "substantive" representation -- black legislators' ability to represent black interests -- has also increased. House & senate journals & clerk manuals of the state's general assembly are used to analyze changes in the numbers of African Americans in this legislative body & their roll-call voting patterns , 1968-2000; the formation of voting coalitions with white legislators is also examined. The significance of the Congressional Black Caucus, black legislators' relationship with the governor, & the incorporation of blacks into leadership positions, especially committee chairpersonships, is also considered. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Though the "descriptive" representation of African Americans in the FL state legislature increased steadily following the Voting Rights Act of 1965 & subsequent redistricting measures, it is unclear whether "substantive" representation -- black legislators' ability to represent black interests -- has also increased. House & senate journals & clerk manuals of the state's general assembly are used to analyze changes in the numbers of African Americans in this legislative body & their roll-call voting patterns , 1968-2000; the formation of voting coalitions with white legislators is also examined. The significance of the Congressional Black Caucus, black legislators' relationship with the governor, & the incorporation of blacks into leadership positions, especially committee chairpersonships, is also considered. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

For much of our history, legal scholars focused predominantly on the law's implications for human beings, while ignoring how the law influences animal welfare. Since the 1970s, however, there has been a steep increase in animal advocates' use of the courts. Animal law has blossomed into a vibrant academic discipline, with a rich literature that examines how the law affects animal welfare and the ability of humans to advocate on behalf of nonhuman animals

For much of our history, legal scholars focused predominantly on the law's implications for human beings, while ignoring how the law influences animal welfare. Since the 1970s, however, there has been a steep increase in animal advocates' use of the courts. Animal law has blossomed into a vibrant academic discipline, with a rich literature that examines how the law affects animal welfare and the ability of humans to advocate on behalf of nonhuman animals.

As they have done with research on the US Supreme Court, judicial politics scholars have studied the influences on state supreme court justices' decision making. Although earlier state court decision-making research focused on extra-legal explanations, more recent studies have integrated both legal & extra-legal variables into their models. However, most of the extant research on state court decision making employs a multi-state design, which has been quite useful, yet it does not capture adequately the influence of state court precedent. Consequently, this paper complements this literature by testing an integrated model of Florida Supreme Court justices' capital punishment decision making. This integrated model is based on a random sample of 150 capital punishment cases decided by the Florida Supreme Court from 1980 to 1997. I examine the 995 individual votes each justice cast, testing the influence of an array of legal precedent, including FL's, & extra-legal variables. The results confirm the validity of the integrated model. 3 Tables, 1 Appendix, 55 References. Adapted from the source document.

"American Government in Black and White: Diversity and Democracy, Fifth Edition, covers all of the standard topics found in an Introduction to American Government text while also speaking to today's students who want to examine how racial inequality has shaped-and will continue to shape-who we are and what we believe. Authors Paula D. McClain and Steven C. Tauber address issues of inequality in major facets of American government, including the U.S. Constitution, key political institutions, and the making of public policy. Engaging the original voices of racial and ethnic actors in our nation's history, the text shows how to measure and evaluate the importance of equality in America, from its founding up to today"--

Draws on 1990s aggregate census data for 96 US cities to assess whether changing demographics will lead to increased competition or the formation of coalitions among blacks, Asian Americans, & Latinos. Special attention is given to the impact of political, economic, & social conditions on interactions between racial/ethnic groups. It is indicated that when positive socioeconomic indicators like employment & higher incomes elevated the success of one group, the likelihood of success among other racial/ethnic groups also increased. Although this appeared to promote a degree of cooperation among minority groups in relation to socioeconomic factors, not only did it not lessen competition over political positions, but also, the political success of one group decreased the chances of success for other groups. Survey data from 1993 & 1995, along with recent anecdotal evidence, are drawn on to look at the perceptions members of minority groups have of others. It is found that blacks, Latinos, & Asian Americans held negative stereotypes of each other that have served to increase intergroup tensions. 4 Tables, 49 References. J. Lindroth

Draws on 1990s aggregate census data for 96 US cities to assess whether changing demographics will lead to increased competition or the formation of coalitions among blacks, Asian Americans, & Latinos. Special attention is given to the impact of political, economic, & social conditions on interactions between racial/ethnic groups. It is indicated that when positive socioeconomic indicators like employment & higher incomes elevated the success of one group, the likelihood of success among other racial/ethnic groups also increased. Although this appeared to promote a degree of cooperation among minority groups in relation to socioeconomic factors, not only did it not lessen competition over political positions, but also, the political success of one group decreased the chances of success for other groups. Survey data from 1993 & 1995, along with recent anecdotal evidence, are drawn on to look at the perceptions members of minority groups have of others. It is found that blacks, Latinos, & Asian Americans held negative stereotypes of each other that have served to increase intergroup tensions. 4 Tables, 49 References. J. Lindroth

Using 1980s data, McClain and Kamig (1990) examined the extent of socioeconomic and political competition between Blacks and Latinos in 49 cities that had a population over 25,000 with at least 10% Blacks and 10% Latino. That research found a positive correlation between Blacks and Latinos on socioeconomic indicators, but it discovered the emergence of political competition between the 2 groups. Using 1990s data, this article examines political and socioeconomic competition in the 45 cities from the earlier data set that still met McClain and Karnig's criteria. The authors have found that although there is still a positive covariation on socioeconomic indicators, the intensity of this relationship has diminished. On the political dimension, Black and Latino competition now may be displaced by increasing competition between Whites and Latinos. We conclude tentatwely that a decade has made a difference in terms of socioeconomic and political competition between Blacks and Latinos.