Suchergebnisse

In 2007, I embarked on a part-time PhD study considering sexuality and intimacy in life-limiting illness. In the existing literature, some studies recruited from cancer and palliative care services, so it is unclear what proportion of their sample were terminally ill. Other studies focused purely on sexual activity and sexual satisfaction, overlooking other aspects of sexuality, and most did not consider the views of partners. My study sought to understand how patients and their partners make sense of their experiences of sexuality and intimacy when living with a life-limiting illness. This case study provides an account of some of the challenges I faced during this project. I will discuss why I chose Heideggers phenomenology and how this hermeneutic methodology influenced my decisions when designing and implementing the study. I will review the many challenges with recruitment, offering suggestions for how these might be managed, and discuss the practicalities of gathering narratives on this sensitive subject. Finally, I will discuss the analytical process and addressing expressions of rigor with this methodological approach.

Abstract. In Britain, both local elections and European elections can be regarded as second–order. However, voters believe that even less is at stake in European elections than in local elections, and their behaviour is congruent with this: voters are more likely to turn out in local elections, they are more likely to 'split their ticket' they are more likely to report that they vote on issues specific to the second–order arena. Logistic regression of party choices in the local, European and national contexts confirms this. National considerations played less part in the local election and there was some evidence that voters were influenced by the record of the locally–incumbent party. It appears that voting in the European elections has more of an expressive character, and is less instrumental than that in either local or national elections.

There has been extensive research on Scottish, Welsh and Irish nationalism but little on British nationalism. Analysis of the British electorate shows that British nationalist sentiments cannot

be reduced to the conventional left–right and libertarian–authoritarian value dimensions, and constitute a distinct normative dimension in their own right. They are related to attitudes towards Europe, nuclear defence, Scottish devolution and Irish unification. Although by no means as important as the left–right dimension, they are at least as important in contemporary voting behaviour as the libertarian–authoritarian dimension.

Analysis of data from the 1993-1997 waves of the British Election Panel Study shows that British nationalist sentiments cannot be reduced to the conventional Left-Right & libertarian-authoritarian value dimensions, & constitute a distinct normative dimension in their own right. They are related to attitudes toward Europe, nuclear defense, Scottish devolution, & Irish unification. Although by no means as important as the Left-Right dimension, they are at least as important in contemporary voting behavior as the libertarian-authoritarian dimension. 7 Tables, 2 Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.

In Britain, both local elections and European elections can be regarded as second order. However, voters believe that even less is at stake in European elections than in local elections, and their behaviour is congruent with this: voters are more likely to turn out in local elections, they are more likely to 'split their ticket'; they are more likely to report that they vote on issues specific to the second-order arena. Logistic regression of party choices in the local, European and national contexts confirms this. National considerations played less part in the local election and there was some evidence that voters were influenced by the record of the locally-incumbent party. It appears that voting in the European elections has more of an expressive character, and is less instrumental than that in either local or national elections. (European Journal of Political Research / FUB)

There has been extensive research on Scottish, Welsh and Irish nationalism but little on British nationalism. Analysis of the British electorate shows that British nationalist sentiments cannot be reduced to the conventional left-right and libertarian-authoritarian value dimensions, and constitute a distinct normative dimension in their own right. They are related to attitudes towards Europe, nuclear defence, Scottish devolution and Irish unification. Although by no means as important as the left-right dimension, they are at least as important in contemporary voting behaviour as the libertarian-authoritarian dimension. (British Journal of Political Science / FUB)