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This essay provides an account of humiliation as a manifestation of the relationship one has to oneself. This account elucidates two important insights: first, that all sexual violence and not only public gang rape humiliates and, second, that appeals to the neoliberal notion of resilience undermine feminist efforts to counter sexual violence. The first part of the essay provides an overview of the idea of a relation of self to self and its significance, presents humiliation specifically as a manifestation of the self‐relation, and then turns to feminist analyses of sexual violence and its effects in order to illustrate how sexual violence against women humiliates. The second part of the essay illustrates that, given the nature and function of humiliation, neoliberal discourse generally and that of resilience more specifically reproduce the individuation and exclusion that characterize humiliation and are thus detrimental to feminist efforts toward countering sexual violence against women. I conclude by encouraging feminist anti‐sexual violence efforts that at least counter individuation and at best promote collective and inclusive solidarity.

This following essay explores the meaning and implications of philosophical critique and creativity within the work of Gilles Deleuze and Michel Foucault. The two philosophers' appeals to ontology, as an important site upon which their ethico-political commitments to critique and creativity simultaneously converge and diverge, frame this exploration. The first part of the essay shows how Deleuze's and Foucault's respective ontologies further critique and creativity. The second part of the essay focuses on a point of divergence in the two thinkers' appeals to ontology: the relationship between philosophy and history. From a Foucauldian perspective, the ahistorical character of Deleuze's ontology of difference threatens to undermine its transformative potential, whereas from a Deleuzian perspective, the historical character of Foucault's ontology of the present, while it may not undermine transformation, certainly does not facilitate it. In conclusion, I argue that it is precisely from within these tensions that important, productive, and transformative aspects of Deleuze's and Foucault's work emerge.

An analysis of intellectual affinity between philosopher Michel Foucault and political theorist Hannah Arendt can be very valuable to mark certain aspects of their ideas concerning the manifestation of harm in modern society, and about how terrain of modernity might be negotiated such that harm is minimized and the practice of freedom promoted. This essay focuses upon a specific harm with which both Foucault and Arendt concern themselves: racism. While these two thinkers differ concerning precisely what constitutes harm, on the most general level both construe it in terms of practices -- modes of thought and existence -- that violate the conditions for the possibility of the practice of freedom. Adapted from the source document.

This article illustrates ways in which the concepts of the norm and normativity are implicated in relations of power. Specifically, I argue that these concepts have come to function in a normalizing manner. I outline Michel Foucault's thinking on the norm and normalization and then provide an overview of Jürgen Habermas's thinking on the norm and normativity in order to show that Habermas's conceptualizations of the norm and normativity are not, as he posits, necessary foundations for ethics and politics, but in fact simply one philosophical approach among many. Uncritically accepting a Habermasian framework therefore produces normalizing effects and inhibits alternative and potentially emancipatory thinking about ethics and politics. Having problematized the requirement of normative foundations as it is currently articulated, I conclude by examining the emancipatory potential of a particular aspect of Foucault's work for the practice of philosophy.

Post-vaginal birth protocols frequently require women and other birthing persons to undergo rectal examinations. Protocols for these examinations, which we refer to as PVREs, vary widely, however, and there is a lack of agreement within the medical community concerning whether they are needed at all. This article explores women's experience of PVREs in light of this ambiguity which, we argue, reflects and reproduces aspects of gendered power relations that are implicated in systemic sexual violence. We show that some women experience PVREs as sexual violence, the effects of which include guilt, self-blame, shame and sexual humiliation. Given its defining characteristics, we further argue that PVREs constitute a form of obstetric violence.

Welche Erkenntnisse bietet Michel Foucaults Ansatz der Gouvernementalität für eine politische Theorie, die Geschlecht als zentrale Kategorie setzt? In diesem Band werden Grundbegriffe aus Foucaults Spätwerk aus feministischer Sicht beleuchtet, z.B. Gouvernementalität, Macht, Staat, Subjekt, Sicherheit, Wissen und Kritik. Diese Re-Lektüre möchte zum einen Foucaults Ansatz geschlechtertheoretisch weiterentwickeln und vertiefen, zum anderen Anstöße für eine politische Theoretisierung von Geschlecht geben.

Shortly after thepublicationin April 2021of thethemedspecial issueFoucault's History ofSexuality Vol. 4, Confessions of the Flesh, theeditors ofFoucault Studiesareinordinatelypleasedto present thisnon-themed issue containingthree original articles.Thefirstofthesearticles,"Resistance: An Arendtian Reading of Solidarity and Friend-ship in Foucault," by Liesbeth Schoonheim (KU Leuven, Belgium)compares the accountsof resistance in Arendt and Foucault.While recent scholarship has firmly established thesimilarities betweenthem, in particular with regard tothe diagnosis ofthe dangers of late-modern social processesleading to atomization,totalitarianismandbiological racism,there are alsosignificantdifferences.AlthoughFoucaulthas reflected more extensivelyand rigorously on the shapes and conditions of resistance,thepaper argues that Fou-cault'scomprehensive accountof resistanceomits the encounter with the other,whereasthis encounterwith theunique and unfathomableotherhas been putat the center of po-litical praxis andof acts of resistanceby Arendt.Developing the discussion of resistancein Arendtasshearticulatesitin response to the Shoah,the article claims thatshe providesa concept of solidarity and friendship thatcan bedrawnupon to extend Foucault's anal-ysis of the transnational solidarity among the governed in fighting for their rights vis-à-vis their governments, as well as tore-articulate andadvancehisunderstandingof friendship.