Suchergebnisse

Introduction to transgender rights and politics / Jami K. Taylor and Donald P. Haider-Markel -- Framing in the united states and abroad -- Issue framing and transgender politics : an examination of interest group websites and media coverage / Barry L. Tadlock -- Transgender policy in latin american countries : an overview and comparative perspective on framing / Jacob R. Longaker and Donald P. Haider-Markel -- Advocacy and interest groups -- Interest groups and transgender politics : opportunities and challenges / Anthony J. Nownes -- The advocacy coalition framework and transgender inclusion in lgbt rights activism / Jami K. Taylor and Daniel C. Lewis -- The diffusion and implementation of transgender-inclusive nondiscrimination policy -- Transgender-inclusive ordinances in cities : form of government, local politics, and vertical influences / Jami K. Taylor, Barry L. Tadlock, Sarah J. Poggione, and Brian DiSarro -- Is transgender policy different? : policy complexity, policy diffusion, andLGBT nondiscrimination law / Daniel C. Lewis, Jami K. Taylor, Brian DiSarro, and Matthew L. Jacobsmeier -- Executive expansion of transgender rights : electoral incentives to issue or revoke executive orders / Mitchell D. Sellers -- Policy learning, language, and implementation by local governments with transgender-inclusive nondiscrimination policies / Mitchell D. Sellers and Roddrick Colvin -- Beyond nondiscrimination policy -- Key issues in transgender health care policy and practice / Ryan Combs -- Birth certificate amendment laws and morality politics / Jami K. Taylor, Barry L. Tadlock, and Sarah J. Poggione -- Conclusion and future directions in transgender politics and policy / Jami K. Taylor and Donald P. Haider-Markel -- Contributors -- Index

This paper explores an anomaly in gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) rights policy, laws allowing transsexual individuals to amend their birth certificates. Unlike most other LGBT rights policies, these statutes are often found in Southern and other conservative states. In fact, these laws are found in half of the Southern states. The array of states with these laws does not conform to the traditional pattern of morality politics laws that is commonly associated with LGBT rights. Using a Cox non-proportional hazards model, we find that the adoption of these laws was influenced by vertical diffusion of the Centers for Disease Control's model vital records recommendations. States with more professionalized bureaucracies, like Virginia and Georgia, were more likely to implement these recommended best practices. However, as transgender rights became more closely associated with the gay rights advocacy movement, this issue likely resembles morality policy. The result being that liberal and conservative elites respond to these policies in predictable manners. Notably, the political opportunity structure in Southern states has not allowed the passage of this type of statute since the incorporation of transgender rights into the LGBT social movement during the mid-1990s.

Attempts to assess the influence of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) groups on LGBT-related policy are hampered by imprecise measurement of LGBT group strength and activity. This research note examines the problems with existing measures of state-level LGBT advocacy strength and it develops an alternative measure of LGBT advocacy group strength. We utilize revenue and asset data available from the National Center for Charitable Statistics to develop better and reproducible state-level measures of LGBT interest group strength on an annual basis. We compare our measures to existing measures and demonstrate their utility for the ongoing study of LGBT politics. The approach used in construction of our measure can be extended over time, is replicable in other issue areas, and thus has broad utility for the study of interest groups at the subnational level.

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) Americans face a fragmented policy landscape across the country. Some states and localities have taken the lead and adopted policies to protect LGBTQ citizens, while others have sought to undermine LGBTQ equality. As such, the rights of LGBTQ citizens are very much dependent on the politics of states they reside in. In this article, we argue subnational innovation on LGBTQ inclusive policy is a result of national policy gridlock. We also examine the state-level political factors driving the adoption of policy protections for LGBTQ citizens. We conclude that LGBTQ policies are driven by local political context and illustrate the dynamic nature of fragmented federalism in America.

AbstractThis article sheds new light on policy diffusion by exploring policy complexity in state-level lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) antidiscrimination policies. The multiple component event history approach taken in this research allows for the concurrent study of both policy content and the factors that affect policy adoption. Results reveal that the factors influencing policy adoption vary depending on both the content and scope of the policy in question. In addition to addressing laws that protect gay people from discrimination, this article is one of the first studies in the political science and policy literature to empirically investigate the spread of transgender-inclusive laws. Despite combined advocacy and public conflation of identities, gay and transgender-inclusive laws appear to be influenced by different internal and external factors.

This article empirically connects Moskos' Institutional-Occupational model to the large body of cross-nationally validated research on public service motivation (PSM). We find that in our sample, the PSM construct is positively correlated with institutional motivations that reflect Moskos' insights. We also find evidence that the four dimensions of PSM (Attraction to Public Participation, Commitment to Public Values, Self-sacrifice, and Compassion) may offer a more nuanced way to assess institutional motivations. Our research suggests that those interested in military recruitment/retention/performance and public administration scholars may have much to learn from each other. We call for further research in this area. [Reprinted by permission; copyright Inter-University Seminar on Armed Forces and Society/Sage Publications Inc.]

This article empirically connects Moskos' Institutional–Occupational model to the large body of cross-nationally validated research on public service motivation (PSM). We find that in our sample, the PSM construct is positively correlated with institutional motivations that reflect Moskos' insights. We also find evidence that the four dimensions of PSM (Attraction to Public Participation, Commitment to Public Values, Self-sacrifice, and Compassion) may offer a more nuanced way to assess institutional motivations. Our research suggests that those interested in military recruitment/retention/performance and public administration scholars may have much to learn from each other. We call for further research in this area.

AbstractScholars often highlight the roles that group threat and intergroup solidarity play in shaping attitudes toward outgroups. Competition among social groups, including over values and culture, can underlie negative attitudes toward outgroups. Meanwhile, perceptions of discrimination against outgroups can drive feelings of solidarity, sympathy, or empathy, which may foster more positive attitudes. These social identity concepts are often studied in the context of racial, ethnic, and religious prejudice, with less attention to how they apply to attitudes toward transgender and gender diverse people. Using a 2022 national survey, we assess how respondents' perceptions of cultural threat from the LGBTQ community and perceptions of discrimination among a range of outgroups are related to attitudes about transgender rights policies, including access to public restrooms, participation in school sports, and medical transition care. We find that cultural threat is consistently associated with support for policies that restrict the rights of transgender people, but perceived outgroup discrimination tends not to show a significant relationship with these attitudes.

Few public opinion surveys addressed transgender rights prior to 2015, but scholarly attention to these issues began to proliferate with a series of surveys from 2015 and 2016 that identified a number of important variables shaping attitudes toward transgender people and policies. Yet, the political environment surrounding transgender rights has changed significantly since 2015, with increasing public attention to these issues, more prominent position taking by partisan political figures, and substantial shifts in public policy on a wide variety of transgender issues. We examine a wide range of survey items throughout this period to explore how public opinion has evolved over time. Further, using national surveys from 2015 and 2020, we explore whether and how the structure of public opinion may have changed. Our analyses reveal growing support for transgender rights, the increasing importance of political orientations and elite cues in shaping opinion, and substantial variation in attitudes across issues.

Political advertisements can shift attitudes and behaviors to become more exclusionary toward social out-groups. However, people who engage in an antidiscrimination exercise in the context of an experiment may respond differently to such ads. What interventions might foster inclusive attitudes in the presence of political communications about social policy issues like transgender rights? We examined two scalable antidiscrimination exercises commonly used in applied settings: describing a personal narrative of discrimination and perspective-taking. We then showed people political ads that are favorable or opposed to transgender rights to determine whether those interventions moderate how receptive people are to the messages. Relying on two demographically representative survey experiments of adults in the United States (study 1 N = 1,291; study 2 N = 1,587), we found that personal recollections of discriminatory experiences did not reduce exclusionary attitudes, but perspective-taking had some effects, particularly among those who fully complied with the exercise. However, both studies revealed potential backfire effects; recalling a discriminatory experience induced negative attitudes among a subset of the participants, and participants who refused to perspective-take when prompted also held more negative attitudes. Importantly, political ads favorable toward transgender rights consistently resulted in more positive attitudes toward transgender people. Future work needs to carefully examine heterogeneous responses and resistance to antidiscrimination interventions and examine what particular aspects of the political ads induced the attitude change.

Political advertisements can shift attitudes and behaviors to become more exclusionary toward social out-groups. However, people who engage in an antidiscrimination exercise in the context of an experiment may respond differently to such ads. What interventions might foster inclusive attitudes in the presence of political communications about social policy issues like transgender rights? We examined two scalable antidiscrimination exercises commonly used in applied settings: describing a personal narrative of discrimination and perspective-taking. We then showed people political ads that are favorable or opposed to transgender rights to determine whether those interventions moderate how receptive people are to the messages. Relying on two demographically representative survey experiments of adults in the United States (study 1 N = 1,291; study 2 N = 1,587), we found that personal recollections of discriminatory experiences did not reduce exclusionary attitudes, but perspective-taking had some effects, particularly among those who fully complied with the exercise. However, both studies revealed potential backfire effects; recalling a discriminatory experience induced negative attitudes among a subset of the participants, and participants who refused to perspective-take when prompted also held more negative attitudes. Importantly, political ads favorable toward transgender rights consistently resulted in more positive attitudes toward transgender people. Future work needs to carefully examine heterogeneous responses and resistance to antidiscrimination interventions and examine what particular aspects of the political ads induced the attitude change.