Abstract Environment issues and their relationship with man have encouraged discussions and actions to prevent negative effects on the environment. To have effective programs that encourage more sustainable actions in Construction, it is necessary to know what people think and know about sustainability, the meanings and socially shared ideas. This research was developed within an interdisciplinary approach involving social psychology and civil engineering and aims to identify the social representations of college students of engineering and humanities on sustainability. It is a descriptive study that used an electronic questionnaire and EVOC for data analysis. The results point to a social representation of sustainability associated with the environmental dimension: environment, environmental, and nature. The other two dimensions of the triple bottom line, economic and social, appear superficially as peripheral representations.
Students from 22 nations answered a survey on the most important events in world history. At the national level, free recalling and a positive evaluation of World War II (WWII) were associated with World Values Survey willingness to fight for the country in a war and being a victorious nation. Willingness to fight, a more benign evaluation of WWII, and recall of WWII were associ- ated with nation-level scores on power distance and low postmaterialism, suggesting that values stressing obedience and competition between nations are associated with support for collective violence, whereas values of expressive individualism are negatively related. Internal political vio- lence was unrelated to willingness to fight, excluding direct learning as an explanation of legit- imization of violence. Recall of wars in general (operationalized by WWI recall) was also unrelated to willingness to fight. Results replicate and extend Archer and Gartner's classic study showing the legitimization of violence by war to the domain of collective ...
In this article, we test if international football matches in Latin America can be understood as nationalistic collective rituals and if participating in them leads to prejudicial attitudes toward immigrants and to legitimize the national social systems. Based on social identity theory and literature on collective rituals, we propose that participating in collective rituals makes cognitively salient social identity over self-identity through collective emotions. Therefore, individuals are more motivated to perceive the social systems as fair and legitimate and to show outgroup derogation. In Study 1 (N = 414), interest in football was associated with national identification a week before an international tournament in Brazil, Chile, and Spain. This association was mediated by fusion of identity with the national ingroup but not by experiencing collective positive emotions. In Study 2 (N = 118), we used an experimental design and showed that nationalism moderated the effect of participating in nationalistic collective rituals on measures related to behavioral intentions. Specifically, these rituals decreased outgroup prejudice among high nationalistic participants. Collective rituals are discussed as a form of collective self-affirmation that may have reduced defensiveness and led nationalistic individuals to behave according to the predominant values within a society.
Esta investigación tuvo como objetivo descubrir el contenido de los estereotipos asociados a las personas racializadas blancas y negras, así como verificar las justificaciones para la existencia de prejuicio racial en Bahía. En esta encuesta participaron 146 personas, de las cuales un 56.8% fueron estudiantes de una universidad pública de Salvador de Bahía y un 43.2% no estudiantes, con edades comprendidas entre 16 y 75 años (M =29.84 DT = 12.663), el 47.6% eran de sexo femenino y el 52.4% de sexo masculino. Los participantes respondieron a una prueba de asociación libre, que contenía las palabras estímulos: personas negras y blancas; además de una pregunta referente a la existencia de prejuicio en Bahía para justificar su respuesta. Los contenidos de los estereotipos indican que a las personas racializadas como blancas y a las negras se les asocian estereotipos referentes al estatus y condiciones sociales. Las personas blancas fueron percibidas como poseedores de un mayor estatus (ricos y guapos) y las personas negras con menor (pobres y trabajadores), lo que corroboró el modelo del contenido de los estereotipos de Fiske et al. (1999, 2002, 2007). Además, los participantes afirmaron que perciben la existencia del prejuicio racial en Bahía. Las justificaciones se agruparon en dos categorías. La primera presenta el prejuicio racial como un fenómeno histórico, mientras que en la segunda el prejuicio racial es visto como un fenómeno actual. Por lo tanto, se pudo verificar que el prejuicio racial fue percibido como un fenómeno social cuyas raíces están en la estructura social brasileña, que lo configura como un fenómeno institucional, que cuestiona el mito de la democracia racial en Brasil.Palabras clave: contenido de los estereotipos, prejuicio racial, prejuicio institucional. ; This research aimed to investigate the content of stereotypes associated with racialized white and black people, and to verify the justifications for the existence of racial prejudice in Bahia. 146 people participated, of which83 were university students and 63 were non-university students. Participants responded a free association task, containing the words stimuli: black and white people; and a question regarding the existence of prejudice in Bahia, justifying its response. The contents of stereotypes indicate that stereotypes regarding status and social conditions are associated with whites and blacks. White people were perceived to have higher status (rich and beautiful) and lower status black people (poor and workers), corroborating the stereotype content model of Fiske et al. (1999, 2002, 2007). The participants affirmed that there was racial prejudice in Bahia. The justifications were grouped into two clusters. The first show racial prejudice as a historical phenomenon, while in the second, prejudice is seen as a current phenomenon. Therefore, it can be verified that racial prejudicewas perceived as a social phenomenon whose roots are in the Brazilian social structure, forming itself as an institutional phenomenon, questioning the myth ofracial democracy in Brazil.Keywords: Contents of stereotypes, racial prejudice, institutional prejudice.
This study analyzes how people perceive world history on three continents: Latin America, Europe and Africa. A total of 1179 university students form Argentina, Brazil, Peru, Portugal, Spain, Guinea-Bissau, and Cape Verde were asked to evaluate world events and leaders in terms of their valence and importance. The results demonstrated that social representations of history show a Euro/North American-centric, long-term positive evaluation, recency, and socio- centric bias. Euro/North American-centric events and leaders were found to be rated as more important and were more positively perceived in general. Distant political events, like French or American Revolution, were considered to be more positive than XX century similar events, which supports the long-term positive evaluation bias hypothesis. The hypothesis on recency bias was partially substantiated. Confirming the existence of such bias, World War II was rated as more important than the previous XX century wars and revolutions. Socio-centric bias also received partial support. African participants rated Mandela as a more important leader than other participants did. Latin Americans rated Che Guevara less positively, which suggests that some leaders are generally idealized icons, not based on group belongingness. However, results did not bring support to the centrality of war hypothesis. Wars were indeed negatively evaluated and World War II was rated as an important and negative event. Nevertheless, war- and politics-related events were not perceived as more important than the Industrial Revolution, suggesting that people appraise the importance of long-term socioeconomic factors of history when responding to close-ended quantitative measures (vs. open-ended salience measures). Results are discussed in the framework of social representations of history. ; El estudio analiza como las personas perciben la historia mundial en tres continentes: Latinoamérica, Europa y África. 1179 estudiantes universitarios de Argentina, Brasil, Perú, Portugal, España, ...
The universality versus culture specificity of quantitative evaluations (negative-positive) of 40 events in world history was addressed using World History Survey data collected from 5,800 university students in 30 countries/societies. Multidimensional scaling using generalized procrustean analysis indicated poor fit of data from the 30 countries to an overall mean configuration, indicating lack of universal agreement as to the associational meaning of events in world history. Hierarchical cluster analysis identified one Western and two non-Western country clusters for which adequate multidimensional fit was obtained after item deletions. A two-dimensional solution for the three country clusters was identified, where the primary dimension was historical calamities versus progress and a weak second dimension was modernity versus resistance to modernity. Factor analysis further reduced the item inventory to identify a single concept with structural equivalence across cultures, Historical Calamities, which included man-made and natural, intentional and unintentional, predominantly violent but also nonviolent calamities. Less robust factors were tentatively named as Historical Progress and Historical Resistance to Oppression. Historical Calamities and Historical Progress were at the individual level both significant and independent predictors of willingness to fight for one's country in a hierarchical linear model that also identified significant country-level variation in these relationships. Consensus around calamity but disagreement as to what constitutes historical progress is discussed in relation to the political culture of nations and lay perceptions of history as catastrophe. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published
AbstractAlthough different social crises may eventually favor undemocratic and authoritarian forms of governance, at some point, such antidemocratic practices require the support of a significant part of the population to be implemented. The present research investigates how and whether the COVID‐19 pandemic might have favoured greater support for antidemocratic governmental practices, on the premise of regaining control and security. Using data from 17 countries (N = 4364) and national‐level indicators (i.e., real number of contagions and deaths, and sociopolitical indicators), we test how the risk of contagion and death from COVID‐19, along with personal orientations (i.e., social dominance orientation [SDO], right‐wing authoritarianism [RWA], and perceived anomie) motivate authoritarian and antidemocratic practices. Results from multilevel models indicate that risk perception and perceptions of political instability predict a wish for stronger leadership, agreement with martial law, and support for a controlling government especially when SDO and RWA are high, while more egalitarian and less conservative people agree less with these authoritarian measures in spite of the levels of risk perception. We discuss the implications for these findings for future research on similar but also dissimilar external events (natural disasters, war, or terror incidents) and the consequences for societies with higher authoritarian tendencies.
The universality versus culture specificity of quantitative evaluations (negative-positive) of 40 events in world history was addressed using World History Survey data collected from 5,800 university students in 30 countries/societies. Multidimensional scaling using generalized procrustean analysis indicated poor fit of data from the 30 countries to an overall mean configuration, indicating lack of universal agreement as to the associational meaning of events in world history. Hierarchical cluster analysis identified one Western and two non-Western country clusters for which adequate multidimensional fit was obtained after item deletions. A two-dimensional solution for the three country clusters was identified, where the primary dimension was historical calamities versus progress and a weak second dimension was modernity versus resistance to modernity. Factor analysis further reduced the item inventory to identify a single concept with structural equivalence across cultures, Historical Calamities, which included man-made and natural, intentional and unintentional, predominantly violent but also nonviolent calamities. Less robust factors were tentatively named as Historical Progress and Historical Resistance to Oppression. Historical Calamities and Historical Progress were at the individual level both significant and independent predictors of willingness to fight for one's country in a hierarchical linear model that also identified significant country-level variation in these relationships. Consensus around calamity but disagreement as to what constitutes historical progress is discussed in relation to the political culture of nations and lay perceptions of history as ...
