Suchergebnisse

The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic initially threatened the populist legacy of Philippine President Rodrigo R. Duterte. Despite implementing one of the longest and strictest lockdowns globally, the country is still struggling to control the virus. While Duterte appears victorious in his assault on human rights and media freedom, his government's record in fighting the virus is spotty at best. Yet, Duterte's populism proved resilient. He remains extremely popular, with a September national survey reporting 81% approval of his government's response to the pandemic and 91% of respondents expressing trust in his leadership.

Early in his administration, Rodrigo Duterte, the controversial sixteenth president of the Philippines, did what no other Filipino president has done before - announce a separation from the geopolitical interests of its former colonial master, the United States of America. Beyond the personal slights caused by the US criticism of his anti-drug campaign lies a deeper sense of historical grievance that has been ingrained in Duterte's generation and his identity as a Mindanaoan. Not only does he represent Mindanao's resentment towards "imperial Manila," but also a historical blowback against "US imperialism." Duterte's nationalist exhortations can be traced to the cycle of regime narratives in the Philippines, which serves as a medium for institutional continuity and change through the mobilisation of ideas at a discursive level. By reviving the anti-US nationalism of his youth, Duterte is repudiating the liberal reformist, albeit elitist, narrative of the Aquino-to-Aquino regimes. Duterte's so-called "pivot to China" is also a dramatic reversal of his predecessors' strong anti-China and rabidly pro-American foreign policy position. This paper blends Vivien A. Schmidt's discursive institutional analytical framework with Stephen Skowronek's concept of presidential leadership in political time to analyse how crafted narratives are transformed into governance scripts that bind together a coalition of interests within a particular institutional setting. (JCSA/GIGA)

The Philippine presidency is the first and most durable in Asia. As a political institution, it has been rendered enough constitutional power to have a formal semblance of a "strong presidency" but apparently not enough to totally control strategic interests in Philippine society. Applying the concept of "political time," this article will discuss the rise of the 16th president Rodrigo Duterte within the cycle of presidential regimes in the Philippines. Furthermore, it will analyze the nature of presidential power in the Philippines by identifying the strategic moments that lie between structural regimes and agential choices. Lastly, it will delineate the emergence of regime narratives as "governing scripts" that bind together a coalition of interests within a particular institutional context.

This article is an initial assessment of Internet utilization by political parties in the Philippines. The phenomenal growth in the use of Information Communication Technologies (ICTs) in the country is not lost to political parties, candidates, and campaign managers. Online websites offer an opportunity for political parties to strengthen linkages with citizens and voters through information provision, transparency, interactivity, and networking. The article conducted a content analysis of the websites of five mainstream political parties and twelve party list organizations represented in the 14th Congress. It appraised the online presence of these parties and assessed the level of use of the Internet as a tool for internal party administration, online electoral campaigns, voters' participation and organization.

The problems of environmental organizations cannot be disentangled from the structural problems of the society. This is demonstrated in the experiences of four emerging environmental NGOs in the Philippines, namely, Haribon Foundation, Green Forum, World Ecologists, and The Earth Savers. The goals, visions, and strategies of these organizations show how they view the state's responses and attitudes towards environmental problems, especially illegal logging and forest denudation. The paper posits that the State, particularly the Department of Environment and Natural Resources (DENR), cannot safeguard natural resources from capitalist interests. Three main reasons are identified that hinder DENR from stopping the abuses. First, the laws meant to govern environment management activities may run counter to the economic interests of private decision-makers in particular, and of society in general. Second, the laws or regulations cannot be implemented in some instances. Third, the rules are simply not executed. DENR turned a blind-eye to rampant illegal logging by private investors. These rapacious acts have causes rapid forest denudations, heavy flooding, and landslides, which leave surrounding communities ravaged and lands depleted. Case in point is the tragic event in Ormoc, Leyte that brought massive destruction to lives and crops. But State officials tend to neglect environmental problems. Environmental NGOs then unceasingly campaign their advocacies of alternative solutions to environmental problems. Political will is needed in order to strengthen the state capabilities as well as to rally the citizens' support to protect the environment.

Looking at eight case studies of Asian democracies, the contributors to this volume analyze the role of political parties in stabilizing and institutionalizing democracies.

How have democracies such as Indonesia, Sri Lanka, and the Philippines survived against the odds, despite struggling economic performance and highly unequal distribution of income? How have formerly authoritarian regimes in places like South Korea and Taiwan evolved into stable democracies? The contributors to this volume examine these case studies, along with Mongolia, Malaysia, and India, arguing that the common element is the extent to which political parties, including opposition parties, have become institutionalized and act as stabilizers on democracy. They contend that the role of political parties has been significantly underestimated in comparison with structural elements, which are insufficient to explain how these democracies have persisted.

An essential resource for students and scholars of Asian politics, especially those with a focus on comparative politics, political parties, and institutions.