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Resumo O presente artigo se debruça sobre algumas das reflexões do materialismo cultural de Raymond Williams visando delimitar a forma como elas emergem, em sua teoria, tanto em um traçado mais estrutural - no que se refere à posição de classe dos agentes, aqui pensados principalmente em termos de produtores culturais - quanto em uma dimensão de agência, cuja possibilidade é dada pela via emancipatória que seu complexo conceito de cultura permite entrever. Nessa empreitada, será necessário recuperar os diálogos críticos estabelecidos por Williams, sobretudo com outras vertentes do materialismo histórico dedicadas à análise da cultura e com a tradição canônica de Cambridge, onde recebeu sua formação. Assim, por meio da noção de cultura pensada como um espaço em disputa, Williams defende a concepção da cultura em geral - e da literatura em particular - como prática social pela qual os agentes estabelecem uma relação de oposição, potencializando a percepção da mudança social.

Introdução: Palco de intensos conflitos fundiários, a região do Pontal do Paranapanema traz em seu cerne, uma história de grilagens por parte de latifundiários e de luta dos camponeses num primeiro momento pela terra e posteriormente pela permanência nela, evidenciando ainda a luta dos sujeitos pela reprodução de relações sociais de produção distintas das formas capitalistas. O assentamento configura-se como a unidade territorial camponesa, que abrange os espaços de cada unidade (lote), dedicados a produção voltada para o autoconsumo que suprem diretamente as necessidades do espaço doméstico e espaços dedicados à produção para a comercialização. Neste contexto, abordaremos o território objeto desta proposta, o Assentamento Nova Conquista, que contém 104 unidades sendo que destes 77 localizam-se no município de Rancharia-SP e 27 no município de Martinópolis-SP. Buscou-se analisar os processos que se dão no interior da unidade territorial através da produção voltada para o autoconsumo e para a comercialização. Metodologia/Desenvolvimento: Para a realização da pesquisa, num primeiro momento recorremos à pesquisa bibliográfica, necessária em todas as etapas da pesquisa e posteriormente as visitas à campo com elaboração de diários e croquis que visam através da descrição, servir de subsidio as análises. A realização de entrevistas com lideranças do assentamento constituíram-se numa importante fonte para o trabalho. A produção voltada para o autoconsumo é realizada na maioria dos casos pelas mulheres, em que a horticultura constitui-se na principal atividade desenvolvida. A referida atividade também é desenvolvida voltada para a comercialização e as famílias participam do Programa de Aquisição de Alimentos (PAA). A atividade considerada o carro-chefe dos espaços de produção do assentamento é a produção leiteira geralmente realizada pelos homens. Segundo os assentados é da produção do gado em lactação que provém a maioria da renda do lote, esta atividade é essencial na medida em que se recorrermos a análise do arranjo espacial do lote, verificamos que este esta estruturado de acordo com as necessidades da produção leiteira, pois encontra-se o espaço de ordenhar o gado, o pasto em alguns casos diminuindo o espaço do terreiro e o tanque de expansão nos lotes onde há uma produção maior de leite. Considerações finais: Verificamos que no assentamento Nova Conquista há uma interface em que os camponeses produzem tanto para a comercialização quanto para o autoconsumo. O lote permite uma divisão de trabalho em que as mulheres são as principais responsáveis pelas atividades no espaço doméstico visando o autoconsumo e os homens os responsáveis pelas atividades no espaço de produção (salvo exceções).

Interview with a Brazilian film maker who experienced long years of censorship in her own country — and who unexpectedly encountered it in Britain.

<p class="Corpo">Este artigo tem por objetivo apresentar as mudanças na trajetória dos ideários participativos. Baseado em pesquisa documental e revisão bibliográfica, o texto aponta como, no Brasil, algumas visões sobre a democracia participativa ganharam e outras perderam força. Se nos anos 1970 havia uma forte presença de concepções que afirmavam a importância de utilizar o espaço participativo como forma de organização da sociedade (nos sindicatos, nos movimentos populares e no próprio partido) e de educação para cidadania, o que denominamos aqui como "participação como emancipação", ao longo do tempo esta visão perdeu força. E passaram a entrar nos argumentos políticos visões da participação como forma de apoiar os governos, de um lado, e de fiscalizar o Estado, de outro, que denominamos aqui como "participação como deliberação". Já durante o governo petista foi se consolidando uma visão de participação "como escuta".</p><p class="Corpo"> </p><p class="Corpo">TRAJECTORY OF PARTICIPATORY IDEALS IN BRAZIL</p><p class="Corpo">This article aims to present the changes in the trajectory of participatory ideals. Based on documentary research and bibliographical review, the text points out how, in Brazil, some views on participatory democracy "won" and others "lost force". If in the 1970s there was a strong presence of conceptions that affirmed the importance of using participatory space as a form of organization of society (in unions, popular movements and in the party itself) and education for citizenship, what we call here as "participation as emancipation", over time this vision has lost strength. Political views began to enter into the views of participation as a way to support governments on the one hand and to oversee the state, on the other, which we refer to here as "participation as deliberation". Already during the PT government, a vision of participation "as a listener" was consolidated.</p><p class="Corpo">Keywords: Participatory democracy, Participation, Participatory institutions.</p><p class="Corpo"> </p><p class="Corpo">TRAJECTOIRE DES PARTICIPATIVE IDÉES AU BRÉSIL</p><p class="Corpo">Cet article vise à présenter les changements dans la trajectoire des participative idées. Basé sur des recherches documentaires et sur une revue de la littérature, le texte montre comment, au Brésil, certains points de vue sur la démocratie participative ont gagné et d'autres ont perdu de leur force dans le temps. Si, dans les années 1970, il existait une forte présence de conceptions de la « participation comme émancipation », affirmant l'importance d'utiliser l'espace participatif comme forme d'organisation de la société (dans les syndicats, les mouvements populaires et le parti) et l'éducation à la citoyenneté, cette vision a perdu de sa vigueur avec le temps. Des visions politiques de la participation ont émergé dans le discours comme moyen de soutenir les gouvernements, d'une part, et de surveiller l'État, d'autre part, ce que nous appelons ici "participation en tant que délibération". Pendant le gouvernement petista, une vision de la participation "en tant qu'écoute" s'est par ailleurs dévelopée et consolidée.</p><p class="Corpo">Mots clés: Démocratie participative, Participation, Institutions participatives.</p>

UID/SOC/04647/2013 SFRH/BPD/77611/2011 ; Portugal had steady increases of innovation performance and innovation activities in companies up to 2010, the year when the sovereign debt crisis burst in Europe and one year before Portugal's bailout by the Troika. Since then, there is an inversion of this increasing trend that is concomitant to negative economic performance by firms. Understanding innovation as a future-oriented social change process that, building upon scientific and technological (S&T) knowledge, is framed by organizational, social, economic and political contexts, we questioned how innovation development was dependent on these contexts during the crisis in Portugal. For this purpose, we quantitatively characterized innovation activities and its contexts in 309 firms of the Information and Communication Technologies sector between 2010 and 2012. Following, we performed a cluster analysis and identified two innovation profiles. These present intra- and extra-organizational dimensions with indicators on financial resources and number of clients contributing the most to discriminate firms' profiles and not indicators assessing scientific or technological activities. Additionally, our data shows that in favourable contexts, historically- and contextually-embedded confidence emerges and surpasses future-associated uncertainty, thus enabling innovation development. In more unfavourable scenarios, the absence of confidence inhibits innovation contributing to trap firms in deleterious vicious cycles. This study shows that the additive impacts of the intra- and extra organizational contexts have to be jointly tackled to foster innovation development. In addition, perceptions on confidence in the companies' future are dependent on companies' innovation profiles and thus can give us, in a snapshot, an indication of companies' physiognomies. ; publishersversion ; published

Seit den 1980er Jahren lastet durch (wirtschaftliche) Globalisierung, Migrantenströme nach dem Wegfall des Eisernen Vorhangs und dem Ende des Kalten Krieges sowie den Aufbau von transnationalen (politischen) Strukturen ein Anpassungsdruck auf dem Nationalstaat, der auch das traditionelle Verständnis von Staatsbürgerschaft und -angehörigkeit und sozialer Integration von "Fremden" gehörig in Bewegung gebracht hat. Neue Konzeptionen von Staatsbürgerschaft oder mehrfacher Staatsangehörigkeit jenseits der alten Dichotomie von "Bürgern" und "Ausländern" werden weltweit diskutiert. Der vorliegende Beitrag zeigt an Hand der Ergebnisse einer international vergleichenden Studie (Befragung von politischen und anderen Führungskräften) zum Staatsangehörigkeitsrecht in sieben EU-Mitgliedsstaaten (Finnland, Frankreich, Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Griechenland, und Großbritannien) und Israel für die portugiesischen Verhältnisse, dass und wie die Regierung seit 1996 verschiedenen Gesetzesvorlagen eingebracht hat, mit denen die Rechte von Emigranten verbessert wurden. Eingegangen wird auch die Versuche zur politischen Bildung und "Aufklärung" der Bevölkerung darüber, was es heißt, in einer multikulturellen Gesellschaft zu leben. (ICA). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 2004 bis 2004.

Portugal's historical past strongly influences the composition of the country's immigrant population. The main third-country foreign nationals in Portugal originate traditionally from Portuguese-speaking African countries (namely Cape Verde, Angola, Guinea Bissau, and S. Tomé e Príncipe) and Brazil. In 2001, a newly created immigrant status entitled "permanence" authorization uncovered a quantitative and a qualitative change in the structure of immigrant population in Portugal. First, there was a quantitative jump from 223.602 foreigners in 2001 to 364.203 regularized foreigners in 2003. Secondly, there was a substantial qualitative shift in the composition of immigrants. The majority of the new immigrants began coming from Eastern European countries, such as Ukraine, Moldavia, Romania, and the Russian Federation. Thus, European countries outside the E.U. zone now rank second (after African countries) in their contribution of individuals to the stocks of immigrant population in Portugal. The differences between the new and traditional immigration flows are visible in the geographical distribution of immigrants and in their insertion into the labour market. While the traditional flows would congregate around the metropolitan area of Lisbon and in the Algarve, the new migratory flows tend to be more geographically dispersed and present in less urbanized areas of Portugal. In terms of insertion in the labour market, although the construction sector is still the most important industry for immigrant labour, Eastern European workers may also be found in the agriculture and manufacturing sectors. The institutional conditions that encourage immigrants' civic participation are divided at three different levels: the state, the local, and the civil society levels. At the state level, the High Commissioner for Migrations and Ethnic Minorities is the main organizational structure along with a set of interrelated initiatives operating under specific regulatory frameworks, which act as mediators between state officials and the Portuguese civil society, and more specifically, immigrant communities. At the local level, some municipalities created consultative councils and municipal departments aiming at encouraging the participation and representation of interests from immigrant groups and association in local policies. In the civil society sphere, the main actors in Portugal spurring immigrants civic participation are immigrant associations, mainstream associations directed toward immigration topics, and unions. The legal conditions framing immigrants' access to social housing, education, health, and social security in Portugal are also considered to be positive. Conditions restricting immigrants' civic participation are mainly normative and include the Portuguese nationality law, the regulations shaping the political participation of immigrants, namely in what concerns their right to vote, and employment regulations restricting immigrants' access to public administration positions. Part II of the report focuses on the active civic participation of third country immigrants. First, reasons for the lack of research on this issue in Portugal are explained. On the one hand, the recent immigration history and the more urgent needs regarding school and economic integration kept this issue out of the research spotlight. On the other hand, it was just in the beginning of the 1990s that immigrants took the very first steps toward collective mobilisation. Secondly, the literature review of Portuguese bibliography covers research on third country immigrants' associative movement, research on local authorities' policies and discussion about ethnic politics and political mobilisation of immigrants in Portugal. As political mobilisation of these groups has been made mainly through ethnic and/or migrant organisations, a brief history of immigrants' associative movement is given. Immigrant associations develop multiple roles, covering the social, the cultural, the economic and the political domains. Political claiming for the regularisation of illegal immigrants has been a permanent and important field of intervention since the mid-1990s. Research results reveal the com5 plex relations between ethnic mobilisation and the set of legal and institutional frameworks developed by local and national governmental authorities targeted to the incorporation of minority groups. Case studies on the Oeiras district and on the Amadora district are then presented. Conclusions underline that the most active immigrant groups are those from Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau, since these groups have constituted a higher number of ethnic associations, give priority to political claiming and present a more politicised discourse. Reflecting on the future of research on civic participation of third country immigrants in Portugal, the authors state that it would be interesting and relevant to compare the Portuguese situation with those of other European countries, with an older immigration history, and analyse how the Portuguese immigrants' associative movement will be affected by a changing legal framework and the emergence of new opportunities within the set of structures regarding the political participation of minority groups. ; Country Report prepared for the European research project POLITIS, Oldenburg 2005, www.uni-oldenburg.de/politis-europe

Country Report prepared for the European research project POLITIS, Oldenburg 2005, www.uni-oldenburg.de/politis-europe ; Portugal's historical past strongly influences the composition of the country's immigrant population. The main third-country foreign nationals in Portugal originate traditionally from Portuguese-speaking African countries (namely Cape Verde, Angola, Guinea Bissau, and S. Tomé e Príncipe) and Brazil. In 2001, a newly created immigrant status entitled "permanence" authorization uncovered a quantitative and a qualitative change in the structure of immigrant population in Portugal. First, there was a quantitative jump from 223.602 foreigners in 2001 to 364.203 regularized foreigners in 2003. Secondly, there was a substantial qualitative shift in the composition of immigrants. The majority of the new immigrants began coming from Eastern European countries, such as Ukraine, Moldavia, Romania, and the Russian Federation. Thus, European countries outside the E.U. zone now rank second (after African countries) in their contribution of individuals to the stocks of immigrant population in Portugal. The differences between the new and traditional immigration flows are visible in the geographical distribution of immigrants and in their insertion into the labour market. While the traditional flows would congregate around the metropolitan area of Lisbon and in the Algarve, the new migratory flows tend to be more geographically dispersed and present in less urbanized areas of Portugal. In terms of insertion in the labour market, although the construction sector is still the most important industry for immigrant labour, Eastern European workers may also be found in the agriculture and manufacturing sectors. The institutional conditions that encourage immigrants' civic participation are divided at three different levels: the state, the local, and the civil society levels. At the state level, the High Commissioner for Migrations and Ethnic Minorities is the main organizational structure along with a set of interrelated initiatives operating under specific regulatory frameworks, which act as mediators between state officials and the Portuguese civil society, and more specifically, immigrant communities. At the local level, some municipalities created consultative councils and municipal departments aiming at encouraging the participation and representation of interests from immigrant groups and association in local policies. In the civil society sphere, the main actors in Portugal spurring immigrants civic participation are immigrant associations, mainstream associations directed toward immigration topics, and unions. The legal conditions framing immigrants' access to social housing, education, health, and social security in Portugal are also considered to be positive. Conditions restricting immigrants' civic participation are mainly normative and include the Portuguese nationality law, the regulations shaping the political participation of immigrants, namely in what concerns their right to vote, and employment regulations restricting immigrants' access to public administration positions. Part II of the report focuses on the active civic participation of third country immigrants. First, reasons for the lack of research on this issue in Portugal are explained. On the one hand, the recent immigration history and the more urgent needs regarding school and economic integration kept this issue out of the research spotlight. On the other hand, it was just in the beginning of the 1990s that immigrants took the very first steps toward collective mobilisation. Secondly, the literature review of Portuguese bibliography covers research on third country immigrants' associative movement, research on local authorities' policies and discussion about ethnic politics and political mobilisation of immigrants in Portugal. As political mobilisation of these groups has been made mainly through ethnic and/or migrant organisations, a brief history of immigrants' associative movement is given. Immigrant associations develop multiple roles, covering the social, the cultural, the economic and the political domains. Political claiming for the regularisation of illegal immigrants has been a permanent and important field of intervention since the mid-1990s. Research results reveal the com5 plex relations between ethnic mobilisation and the set of legal and institutional frameworks developed by local and national governmental authorities targeted to the incorporation of minority groups. Case studies on the Oeiras district and on the Amadora district are then presented. Conclusions underline that the most active immigrant groups are those from Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau, since these groups have constituted a higher number of ethnic associations, give priority to political claiming and present a more politicised discourse. Reflecting on the future of research on civic participation of third country immigrants in Portugal, the authors state that it would be interesting and relevant to compare the Portuguese situation with those of other European countries, with an older immigration history, and analyse how the Portuguese immigrants' associative movement will be affected by a changing legal framework and the emergence of new opportunities within the set of structures regarding the political participation of minority groups.

Plusieurs études démontrent l'existence d'une association entre la mortalité et le statut socioéconomique : les personnes appartenant aux catégories sociales les plus favorisées ont une mortalité plus faible que celles appartenant aux catégories défavorisées. Les données nécessaires à ce type d'analyse ne sont pas toujours disponibles et des études sont parfois menées auprès des groupes professionnels spécifiques. Cet article fournit une estimation de la mortalité des hommes médecins au Québec faite à partir des données d'un fichier administratif du Collège des médecins du Québec. Les résultats obtenus montrent une diminution de la mortalité des hommes médecins au cours de la période étudiée (1993 à 2010), mais les différences ne sont significatives que pour les groupes d'âge à partir d'environ 60 ans. Lorsqu'on compare la mortalité des médecins à celle de l'ensemble de la population masculine québécoise, nous constatons une mortalité plus faible chez les hommes médecins inscrits au tableau des membres du Collège des médecins. Finalement, cette étude ne montre pas de différence significative entre la mortalité des hommes médecins omnipraticiens et celle des hommes médecins spécialistes.

This article discusses the participation of civil society during the governments of President Lula, particularly in institutional public spaces. The participation of civil society in decision-making processes, incorporated in the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, has been a central principle in the political project of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) since its foundation in 1980. This paper examines the extent to which this principle has remained effective and has been actively implemented at the federal level since the PT came to power in 2002. It also analyzes the concrete results of implementing greater participation and the difficulties faced in doing so. In addition, it explores both the continuities and new developments that have emerged during the government of Lula's successor, Dilma Rousseff. (GIGA)

This article discusses the participation of civil society during the governments of President Lula, particularly in institutional public spaces. The participation of civil society in decision-making processes, incorporated in the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, has been a central principle in the political project of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) since its foundation in 1980. This paper examines the extent to which this principle has remained effective and has been actively implemented at the federal level since the PT came to power in 2002. It also analyzes the concrete results of implementing greater participation and the difficulties faced in doing so. In addition, it explores both the continuities and new developments that have emerged during the government of Lula's successor, Dilma Rousseff. Adapted from the source document.