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The article discusses the concept of the average state and its problematic for modern political science. Based on the analysis of the concepts of the average state that have developed to date, the authors come to the conclusion about the vagueness and uncertainty of the criteria of the average state. It is concluded that the average state is not so much a set of features that characterize a particular country, as the political role that a particular state is ready to play in the international arena. At the same time, countries as different in scale as India and the Scandinavian states can claim the role of an average state. A distinctive feature of the average state is a propensity for multi-vector politics, geopolitical balancing and multilateral alliances. Using the example of Belarus, the authors show how this post-Soviet republic is trying to realize the role of an average state in the international arena. Unlike its neighbors, the Baltic states and Ukraine, which chose the model of small client states of the West, Belarus followed the path of a medium–sized state balancing between Russia, the EU, China and the states of the "far arc", while maintaining a close alliance with Russia as a priority direction of foreign policy. The article highlights the difficulties faced by the Union State of Russia and Belarus due to the unequal vision of its participants of their roles. In conclusion, it is concluded that the former model of the Belarusian multi-vector politics in the new geopolitical conditions is exhausted, and the Union State can gain a new meaning as one of the geopolitical centers in the emerging world of "colliding civilizations". At the same time, the role of Belarus as an average state — an equal partner of Russia can be preserved.

The author explores a conceptual crisis in studies, dedicated to international relations, which are under pressure of growing number of threats and challenges. In search of new perspective models of global economic and political development and in the pursuit of attempts to explain the nature and causes of growing confrontation among different global actors specialists in IR, including European studies, propose various approaches and strategies, which often run counter to each other. The article focuses on a role of empirics in this scientific work, on a problem of measurability of different hypotheses and generalisations. On the basis of application of concrete indicators and data the author analyses the role of the EU, major European countries, Russia and other centres of power in world political-economic tables of ranks. The internal balance of power in the EU is explored, as well as main risks and vulnerabilities in its development. In the context of global reassembly the assessments are made on threats and challenges facing Russia. The conclusion is drawn that in the near future the phenomenon of polycentricity with elements of composite quasi-bipolarity will intensify. At the same tine, quasi-bipolarity represents more relevant configuration than the hypothesis about US-China "new bipolarity". The United States and China more and more obviously shape new confrontational pivot of world politics in near future. This model is characterized with quasi-bipolarity because the number of rising powers, comparable with US and China in terms of capabilities and geopolitical ambitions, is much bigger than in the second half of XX century.

The 2016 referendum did not bring a decisive advantage to either supporters (Bremainers) or opponents (Brexiters) of Britain's membership in the European Union, which led to their acute confrontation and a prolonged political crisis in the United Kingdom. The aim of the study is to determine the impact and consequences of the struggle of rival forces in the leading parties of Britain — Conservative and Labour — on their course on the main issues of British foreign policy after the parliamentary elections of 2019 and Britain's exit from the EU. The struggle of the rival forces goes through the lines of inter- and intra-party division, and its methods go beyond the traditions and unwritten rules previously adopted in the political culture of the United Kingdom. The tough struggle on foreign policy issues is closely linked to domestic politics. The victory of the Conservative Party in the 2019 elections ensured the adoption by Parliament of laws strengthening the executive power to the detriment of the legislative and judicial (who sided with the Bremainers). The documents of the government, parliament, parties and media materials analysis is presented of the methods used by Brexiters and Bremainers to weaken each other, complicating relations with the US and the EU, sacrificing bilateral relations with Russia to their narrow-party interests. The confrontation continues, plunging Britain into a new round of political and economic crisis, which calls into question the ambitious goals of "Global Britain".

The article analyses the cross-border cooperation between the Northern Calotte states (Finland, Norway, Sweden) and the North-West of Russia within the framework of the Kolarctic program. Nowadays, in the context of the sanctions and counter-sanctions between Russia and the EU, cross-border cooperation is one of the few channels for dialogue between them. The paper analyses the EU Kolarctic program regarding the macro-political context of the EU policy and its environmental, Arctic and border dimensions in particular. The author reveals that the EU has neither Arctic territories nor sufficient tools for political influence in the Arctic region, however, its interest in the region is continuously growing. The EU regards its participation in the Arctic agenda primarily in the context of obtaining observer status in the Arctic Council. European Union expresses concern about climate change and environmental degradation, while seeking to increase imports of energy from the region. The author comes to the conclusion that in addition to the task of reducing the periphery of territories, the EU also pursues the political goals through the program. For instance, strengthening the political presence of the EU in the Arctic region as well as to strengthening its role as a global leader on environmental issues.

The article explores a phenomenon of events in political history, which in the course of time evolve from a category of incredible to a New Norm. An emphasis is made on the topic of European security. The role of objective and subjective factors is dwelt upon. The author analyses several key trends in contemporary international relations, distinguishes between virtual and real processes, discusses ideas of a "New Bipolarity" and a "New Cold War". Significant attention is paid to the main divides in the system of global governance and regulation - some of them invented and some natural. A conclusion is drawn on the indispensable role of international analytics in providing the science-based foresight of future developments and the think-tank support of the state foreign policy.

The proportions of the location of spatial economic activity reflect the structural features of the country's economy. This article presents the results of a study to assess the most optimal expression of the proportions from the standpoint of a more complete development of the potential for interregional interactions. The methodological basis of the research is a set of developments in the field of interregional comparisons, the concept of regional market potential. On the example of calculating the optimal structure of the GRP in the context of federal districts, the perspective place of the Siberian Federal District in the Russian economy is analyzed separately. In modern national interregional comparisons, the Siberia macroregion was losing its positions, which explains why it is important to rebalance and qualitatively enhance its role in perspective spatial development. This can mainly be done through the modernization of the production potential accumulated in the Siberia macroregion and the intensification of interregional ties with other regions of the country. Further economically justified development of the natural resources of the Siberia macro-region with a new technological basis has become one of the most hotly debated issues. The article states that, in the forecast period until 2024, in order to strengthen the balance of spatial development, it is necessary to increase the weight of the Siberian Federal District in the national economy with a simultaneous decrease in the share of the Central Federal District and a significant redistribution of the increase in economic activity in general. It is emphasized that in terms of realizing the potential of interregional interactions more fully, an increase in the share of the Siberian Federal District's GRP is most consistent with the longterm goals of the national economy. The article shows that the role of interregional projects for Siberia, especially transport and infrastructure projects, in traditional and new industries should grow. This implies a gradual strengthening of national internal integration through strong regional economies' interaction with weaker ones. It is important to understand that the proposed institutional transformations are not aimed at creating any "Siberian preferences". They are ultimately aimed at increasing economic activity throughout Russia. The presented results can be used in the activities of federal and regional government bodies for the development and adjustment of macroregional development strategies.

This review article has resulted from the discussion during the roundtable of the editors-in-chief of the international relations (IR) journals, convened by Saint Petersburg State University as part of the Congress of the IR students (November, 2022). The article traces the main changes in scientific activities of the IR journals under conditions of dramatic deterioration of Russia-West relations and subsequent re-orientation in terms of key topics, the authors' affiliations, and other arising problems.