AbstractDay‐labor markets are characterized by chronic instability, low pay, and weak institutional protections against violations of labor standards. In the U.S., worker centers address these conditions through the operation of hiring halls that dispatch workers, set minimum wages, and redress wage theft. Surveys conducted in Seattle in 2012 and 2015 were used to evaluate wage rates, employment rates, and wage theft variables for workers at a worker center and those seeking employment at four informal hiring sites. Worker center members were found to have significantly higher wages, higher employment rates, and lower rates of wage theft than day laborers who search for employment in public spaces.
This article explores strategies for organizing workers in residential construction in light of the decades long restructuring of the industry. It begins by charting the course of this restructuring and the impacts it has had on employment conditions, including changes in union density, the deterioration of labor standards, and the rise of various labor market intermediaries that assist employers in managing contingent labor. The article then turns to day labor and the controversial topic of whether worker centers should operate hiring halls. It argues that, unlike temporary staffing agencies and other labor brokers, the operation of day labor worker centers is complementary to union organizing strategies. These hiring halls help monitor employer practices while also raising the floor on wages and working conditions. It concludes with a call for ongoing innovation in worker organizing.
We inhabit a perpetually accelerating and increasingly interconnected world, with new ideas, fads, and fashions moving at social-media speed. New policy ideas, especially "ideas that work," are now able to find not only a worldwide audience but also transnational salience in remarkably short order. Fast Policy is the first systematic treatment of this phenomenon, one that compares processes of policy development across two rapidly moving fields that emerged in the Global South and have quickly been adopted worldwide⎯conditional cash transfers (a social policy program that conditions payments o
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Abstract For nearly a half century, questions of why and how firms navigate the "make-buy" decision have animated fields as varied as industrial relations and economic geography. The idea of "core competencies" became the dominant explanation of corporate decision-making processes, where any activity deemed outside of the central specializations of the firm is a possible candidate for outsourcing. Coupled with the focus on short-term profit taking, corporate leaders have grown increasingly focused on shedding less-profitable activities and shifting supply-chain risk—leading to high levels of lead-firm influence over subcontracting markets and the cost-based competition that permeates them. This paper examines the role of third-party logistics companies (3pl s) in the warehousing sector. It argues that efforts to contain operational costs increasingly are focused on labor and that the ability to access and deploy low-cost labor is among the "core competencies" touted by many 3pl s in the warehousing sector.
In: Lien social et politiques: revue internationale et interdisciplinaire de sciences humaines consacrée aux thèmes du lien social, de la sociabilité, des problèmes sociaux et des politiques publiques, Heft 76, S. 114-136
L'informalité économique est généralement définie comme l'absence d'action étatique à cause de déficits institutionnels dans la capacité de l'État à réguler les activités économiques sur son territoire. Il existe un certain consensus sur l'importance de comprendre le rôle de l'État dans la suppression ou la croissance de l'informalité, afin de mieux expliquer l'étendue, la nature et l'évolution de l'économie informelle. Ce texte discute du rôle de l'État dans le double processus de désyndicalisation et d'informalisation dans le secteur de la construction résidentielle. L'un des effets prévisibles de ce double processus est la diminution des conditions de travail. Le travail précaire est de plus en plus important et les travailleurs immigrants (plusieurs sans statut légal dans le pays) sont devenus des « travailleurs de choix » pour les contracteurs qui se font la concurrence sur la base d'une diminution des coûts et la sueur des ouvriers.
AbstractThis article explores the urban labor market consequences of large‐scale incarceration, a policy with massively detrimental implications for communities of color. Case study evidence from Chicago suggests that the prison system has come to assume the role of a significant (urban) labor market institution, the regulatory outcomes of which are revealed in the social production of systemic unemployability across a criminalized class of African–American males, the hypertrophied economic and social decline of those 'receiving communities' to which thousands of ex‐convicts return, and the remorseless rise of recidivism rates. Notwithstanding the significant social costs, the churning of the prison population through the lower reaches of the labor market is associated with the further degradation of contingent and informal‐economy jobs, the hardening of patterns of radical segregation, and the long‐term erosion of employment prospects within the growing ex‐offender population, for whom social stigma, institutional marginalization and economic disenfranchisement assume the status of an extended form of incarceration.Résumé La politique publique d'incarcération massive, aux implications largement préjudiciables aux communautés de couleur, affecte également le marché du travail des villes. Une étude de cas sur Chicago indique que le système pénitentiaire a fini par devenir une institution importante du marché du travail (urbain) dont les réglementations se traduisent à la fois par la production sociale d'une inemployabilité systémique pour une classe criminalisée de males afro‐américains, par le déclin économique et social hypertrophié des 'communautés d'accueil' vers lesquelles retournent des milliers d'ex‐prisonniers, et par l'accroissement impitoyable des taux de récidive. Malgré de forts coûts sociaux, le brassage de la population carcérale dans les niveaux inférieurs du marché du travail se combine à la dégradation accrue des postes occasionnels et offerts par l'économie parallèle, mais aussi au durcissement des types de ségrégation radicale et à une érosion durable des perspectives d'emploi au sein de la population grandissante des ex‐délinquants pour lesquels stigmatisation sociale, marginalisation institutionnelle et non‐reconnaissance économique revêtent une forme d'incarcération prolongée.