Muitos de nós, provavelmente, tomamos contato pela primeira vez com a Escola de Frankfurt lendo um livro de autoria de um dos seus expoentes máximos, sem imaginar que o autor pertencia a uma escola teórica que já tinha alguns anos de existência.
A desigualdade pode ser produzida de quatro formas básicas. Primeiro, há o distanciamento - algumas pessoas estão correndo à frente e/ou outros estão ficando para trás. Segundo, há o mecanismo de exclusão, por meio do qual uma barreira é erguida tornando impossível, ou pelo menos mais difícil, para certas categorias de pessoas alcançarem uma vida boa. Terceiro, as instituições da hierarquia significam que as sociedades e as organizações são constituídas como escadas, com algumas pessoas empoleiradas em cima e outras embaixo. Por fim, há a exploração, por meio da qual as riquezas dos ricos derivam do trabalho árduo e da subjugação dos pobres e desfavorecidos. Neste artigo, examinaremos as maneiras pelas quais as desigualdades correntes estão sendo produzidas.
A response to Nicky Hart's comment on the book, Between Sex and Power: Family in the World, 1900-2000 (2004), points out serious discrepancies between what is in the book & what Hart says about it in relation to such topics as the nature of Southeast Asia; the socialization of children; the power of fathers/husbands over children/wives; the impact of broader social/economic changes on the socio-sexual order; gender inequality in the post-patriarchal world; family changes in Communist China; & the conceptualization of patriarchy. It is argued that Hart's distorted version of what is an empirical historical investigation seems to be based on an economic conception of knowledge that involves a minimization of cognitive effort & a Whig interpretation of history, spiked with an enduring dose of Cold War anti-communism. Possible reasons for her unreasonable attack on the book's definition of patriarchy are suggested to conclude that she has no tolerance for comparative analysis of historical contingencies & little understanding of actual political agency. J. Lindroth
States, markets, firms, classes, movements -- how are they inter-related & where are they moving in the new century? Goran Therborn offers a panorama of global politics that amounts to a powerful & original alternative to all existing readings of the state of the world. Adapted from the source document.
At two hours in length, Immanuel Wallerstein's Presidential Address to the XIVth World Congress of Sociology in Montreal on July 26, 1998, was almost as that of a Secretary General's Report. Although long, it nonetheless managed to spellbind a most undisciplined audience of innumerable factions through the speech's unique combination of audacity, erudition and circumspection. The theme and title were "The Heritage of Sociology, The Promise of Social Science." The address was the outgoing President's conclusion to a worldwide congressional discussion he had initiated; however, neither the heritage of sociology nor the promise of social science is a ?nite inquiry. My contribution here is thus meant to continue that debate.
Reviews the trajectories of Marxist critical thought with special interest in explaining the continuing relevance of the dialectical approach for explaining & participating in conditions of modernity. Discusses the critical tradition in Marxism after defining Marxism's relationship to modernity, specifically focusing on the development of the Frankfurt School, the central concept of "exchange," Theodor Adorno's engagement with Karl Popper, & Jurgen Habermas' divergence from the school. "Western" Marxism, the broader influence over critical theory, is then addressed by focusing on theorists who have best represented the school & its principles, those who have reflected on its significance, critical theory's relation to the October Revolution, & the philosophical tendencies of Marxism & critical theory. Marxism's historical & cultural influences on & relationship with other movements, its status after World War II, resurgence during the 1960s & 1970s, use & understanding in non-European nations & cultures, & creative North American applications are detailed. Finally, given the conditions of the decline of the industrialized working class & fading influence of the October Revolution, new thinking about modernity & dialectics is needed. A global dialectical critique is needed to confront the challenges of the forces & relations of production & their effects on economic & social relations, not just communicative action. R. Rodriguez
Eric Hobsbawm's (1994) treatment of major political & social developments in the 20th century is critiqued. An overview of Hobsbawm's commitment to leftist politics is presented to better understand his perspective toward the 20th century. Attention is dedicated to Hobsbawm's analysis of WWI & the October Revolution, the failure of both capitalism & communism to provide an effective economic model during the 1920s & 1930s, & the collaboration between capitalist nations & communist Russia during WWII. Three criticisms are levied against Hobsbawm's account of Pre-WWII global developments, eg, he largely disregards the role nationalism played in the formation of the anti-fascist alliance during the WWII era. In addition, multiple methodological shortcomings with Hobsbawm's text are highlighted, eg, his use of historical narrative would have benefited from the inclusion of factual & statistical information. Moreover, difficulties with his account of certain countries' modernization are also identified. J. W. Parker
Focuses not on modernization but on modernizations, a plurality of routes to & through modernity. Four routes to modernity are traced: (1) the European; (2) the New World, in which modernity took the shape of a denial of the ancient regime in Europe; (3) external threat, nationalist modernization from above as in Japan & nineteenth-century Germany; & (4) colonial zone, in which the metropole heteronomously modernizes the colony. A particular national route to modernization is determined by the structural location in the world system & by the key agent of modernization, the individual or collective actor. Global modernization comprises processes of accumulation & collectivization. The prospects for either depend on the openness of the system at issue. In postnational modernization, the decline in boundedness of the system -- & the rise of world markets -- should encourage accumulation; yet this same decline in boundedness makes resource redistribution by collective actors, & hence collectivization, an ever more difficult task. 1 Table, 50 References. V. Rios
The encounter between the welfare state, ie, macropolitics, & the life pursuits of its people, ie, microsociology, is explicated by a study of social steering in Sweden. Social steering is not necessarily authoritiarian & may have democratic aspects in that it utilizes information from the general public, engenders collective organization, provides channels for individual action, & provokes electoral options. The household in Sweden, affected more by social steering than any other aspect of social policy, submits to government determination of supply & subsidization of the demand for goods; however, it can send messages to policymakers through the collective actions of tenant households & the market, albeit with marginal effects. Employment, sustenance, child care, & household management are described, & household members' ratings of government influence are tabulated. It is concluded that, whereas the welfare state was conceived relative to class & life cycle, increasingly it is viewed & evaluated in terms of its effect on lifestyles. 4 Tables, 81 References. V. Wagener